rections for the above-mentioned accusation, and your own coming to the Com mons House, that House received from your Majesty a gracious Message, that you would always have as great care of their Priviledges as of your own Prerogative; and of the safety of their persons, as of that of your own children. That which we expect;-which will give us assurance, that you have no thought, but of peace, and justice to your People;-must be some real effect of your goodness to them, in granting those things which the present necessities of the Kingdom do enforce us to desire: And, in the first place, that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to put from you those, wicked and mischievous Counsellors which have caused all these dangers and distractions, and to continue your own Residence, and the Prince's, near London and the Parliament: which, we hope, will be a happy be ginning of contentment and confidence betwixt your Majesty and your People, and be followed with many succeeding blessings of Honour and Greatness to your Majesty, and of security and prosperity to them.

The Additional REASONS.

THE Lords and Commons have commanded us, to present unto your Majesty. this further Addition to their former Declaration.

That your Majestie's return and continuance near the Parliament, is a matter, in their apprehension, of so great necessity and importance, towards the preservation of your Royal Person and your Kingdoms, that they cannot think they have discharged their duties, in the single expression of their desire, unless they add some further Reasons to back it with.

I. Your Majestie's absence will cause men to believe, that it is out of design to discourage the undertakers, and hinder the other Provisions, for raising money for. the defence of Ireland.

II. It will very much hearten the Rebels there, and disaffected persons in this Kingdom, as being an evidence and effect of the jealousy and division betwixt your Majesty and your People.

III. That it will much weaken and withdraw the affection of the Subject from your Majesty; without which a Prince is deprived of his chiefest strength and lustre, and left naked to the greatest dangers and miseries that can be imagined.

IV. That it will invite and encourage the Enemies of our Religion and the State, in foreign Parts, to the attempting and acting of their evil designs and intentions towards us.

V. That it causeth a great interruption in the proceedings of Parliament.

These considerations threaten so great danger to your Majestie's Person, and to all your Dominions, that, as your Majestie's great Council, they hold it necessary to represent to You this their faithful Advice, that So, whatsoever followeth, they may be excused before God and man.

2T 2

His

His MAJESTIE'S Speech to the COMMITTEE, on the ninth of March, 1641, when they presented the DECLARATION of both HOUSES of PARLIAMENT, at NEWMARKET.

I AM confident that you expect not that I should give you a speedy Answer to this strange and unexpected Declaration; And I am sorry that, (in the Distraction of this Kingdom,) you should think this way of Address to be more convenient than that proposed by my Message, of the 20th of January last, to both Houses.

As concerning the grounds of your Fears and Jealousies, I will take time to answer particularly, and doubt not but I shall do it to the satisfaction of all the World. God, in his good time, will, I hope, discover the secrets and bottoms of all Plots and Treasons; and then I shall stand right in the eyes of all my People. In the mean time, I must tell you, That I rather expected a Vindication, for the Imputation laid on me in Master Pym's Speech, than that any more general Rumours and Discourses should get credit with you.

For my Fears and Doubts, I did not think they should have been thought so groundless, or trivial, while so many Seditious Pamphlets, and Sermons, are lookedupon, and so great Tumults are remember'd, unpunished, uninquired-into. I still confess my Fears, and call God to witness, That they are greater for the true Protestant Profession, my People, and the Laws, than for my own Rights or Safety; though I must tell you, I conceive that none of these are free from danger.

What would you have? Have I violated your Laws? Have I denied to pass any one Bill, for the ease and security of my Subjects? I do not ask you, what you have done for Me.

Have any of my People been transported with Fears and Apprehensions? I have offered as free and general a Pardon as yourselves can devise. All this considered, There is a Judgement from Heaven upon this Nation, if these Distractions continue.

God so deal with Me and Mine as all my thoughts and Intentions are upright for the maintenance of the true Protestant Profession, and for the Observation and Preservation of the Laws of this Land: And I hope God will bless and assist those Laws for my Preservation.

As for the Additional Declaration, you are to expect an Answer to it, when you shall receive the Answer to the Declaration itself.

Some Passages, that happened the 9th of March, between the KING'S MAJESTY, and the Committee of both HOUSES, when the DECLARATION was delivered.

WHEN His Majesty heard that Part of the Declaration which mentioned Master Jermin's Transportation, His Majesty interrupted the Earl of Holland in reading, and said, "That's false." Which being afterwards touched-upon again,

His Majesty then said, ""Tis a lye." And when he was informed, that it related not to the Date, but to the Execution, of the Warrant, His Majesty said, "It might have been better expressed then, and that it was a high thing to tax a King with breach of Promise." As for this Declaraton, His Majesty said, "I could not have believed that the Parliament would have sent me such a one, if I had not seen it brought by such persons of honour. I am sorry for the Parliament; but glad I have the Declaration: For by that I doubt not to satisfy my People; though I am confident the greater part is so already."

Ye speak of ill Counsels: but I am Confident the Parliament hath had worse Informations than I have had Counsels. His Majesty asking, what he had denied the Parliament, The Earl of Holland instanced that of the Militia. His Majesty replied, "That was no Bill;" the Earl of Holland then said, " it was a necessary request at this time;" and his Majesty also then said, " he had not denied it."

What passed the next day, when HIS MAJESTY delivered his ANSWER.

WHICH was read by the Earl of Holland to the rest of the Committee; And that being done, His Lordship endeavoured to perswade his Majesty to come near the Parliament. Whereunto his Majesty answered, "I would you had given me cause; but I am sure this Declaration is not the way to it. And in all Aristotle's Rhetoricks, there is no such Argument of Perswasion." The Earl of Pembroke, thereupon, telling him that the Parliament had humbly besought his Majesty, to come near them aforesaid, His Majesty replied, " He had learnt by Our Declaration, that words were not sufficient." His Majesty being then again moved, by the said Earl of Pembroke, to express what he would have; said, "He would whip a boy in Westminster School, that could not tell that by his Answer." And further said, "They were much mistaken, if they thought his Answer of that a denial :" And, being also asked by the said Earl of Pembroke, "Whether the Militia might not be granted, as was desired by the Parliament, for a time ?" His Majesty swore," By God, not for an houre; you have askt that of me in this, which was never askt of a King, and with which I will not trust my Wife and Children."

His Majesty said, The Businesse of Ireland will never be done in the way that you are in; Foure hundred will never doe that Work. It must be put into the hands of One. If I were trusted with it, I would pawn my head to end that Work. And, though I am a beggar my-selfe, yet (speaking with a strong asseveration) I can find money for that.

HIS MAJESTIE'S DECLARATION to both HOUSES of PARLIAMENT, (Which He likewise recommends to the consideration of all His loving Subjects) in Answer to that presented to Him at Newmarket, the ninth of March, 1641.

THOUGH the Declaration lately presented to Us at New-market, from both Our Houses of Parliament, be of so strange a nature, in respect of what We ex

pected

pected (after so many Acts of Grace and Favour to Our People) and some expres sions in it so different from the usual Language to Princes, that We might welltake a very long time to consider it; Yet the cleerness and uprightnesse of Our Conscience to God, and love to Our Subjects, hath supplyed Us with a speedy Answer, and Our unalterable Affections to Our People have prevailed with Us to suppresse that passion which might have well-enough become Us upon such an Invitation.

We have reconsidered Our Answer of the first of this moneth at Theobalds, which is urged to have given just cause of sorrow to Our Subjects. Whosoever looks over that Message (which was in effect to tell Us, That, if We would not join with them in an Act which, We conceived, might prove prejudicial and dangerous to Us and the whole Kingdome, they would make a Law without Us, and impose it upon Our People) will not think that sudden Answer can be excep ted-to.

We have little encouragement to Replyes of this nature, when We are told of how little value Our words are like to be with you, though they come accompanied with all the Actions of Love and Justice, where there is room for such Actions to ac company them. Yet We cannot but disavow the having any such evil Counsel, or Counsellours, about Us, to Our knowledge, as are mentioned; and, if any such be discovered, We will leave them to the Censure and Judgement of Our Parliament. In the mean time, We could wish, that Our owne immediate Actions, which We avow, and Our own Honour, might not be so roughly censured and wounded, under that common style of Evil Counsellours.

For Our Faithful and zealous affection to the true Protestant Profession, and Our resolution to concur with Our Parliament in any possible course for the propagation of it and the suppression of Popery, We can say no more than We have already expressed in our Declaration to all Our loving Subjects, published in January last, by the advice of Our Privy-Council; in which We endeavoured to make as lively a Confession of our Self in this point, as we were able, being most assured, that the constant Practice of Our Life hath been answerable thereunto: And therefore We did rather expect a Testimony and acknowledgment of such Our Zeal and Piety, than those Expressions which We meet-with in this Declaration, of any designe of altering Religion in this Kingdom. And We doe (out of the innocency of Our Soul) wish, that the Judgements of Heaven may be manifested upon those who have, or had, any such Designe.

As for the Scots troubles, We had well thought that those unhappy differences had been wrapt-up in perpetual silence, by the Act of Oblivion; which, being solemnly past in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, stops Our mouth from any other Reply than to shew Our great dislike to the reviving the memory thereof.

If the Rebellion in Ireland, (so odious to all Christians) seems to have been framed and maintained in England, or to have any countenance from hence, We conjure both Our Houses of Parliament, and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever, to use all possible meanes to discover and find such out, that We may join in the

most

most exemplary vengeance upon them that can be imagined: But We must thinke Our-self highly and causelessly injured in Our Reputation, if any Declaration, Action, or Expression, of the Irish Rebels, any Letter from Count Rosetti to the Papists for Fasting and Praying, or from Trestram Whitcombe, of strange speeches uttered in Ireland, shall beget any jealousy, or misapprehension, in our Subjects, of Our Justice, Piety, and Affection, it being evident to all understandings, That those mischievous and wicked Rebels are not so capable of great advantage, [by any other circumstance] as by having their false discourses so far believed as to raise Fears and Jealousies to the distraction of this Kingdom, which is the onely way to their security: And We cannot expresse a deeper sense of the sufferings of Our poor Protestant Subjects in that Kingdom than We have done in our often-repeated Messages to both Houses, by which We have offered, and are still ready, to venture Our Royal Person for their Redemption; well knowing, that, as We are (in Our own Interest) more concerned in them, so We are to make a strict Aecompt to Almighty God for any neglect of Our duty for their preservation.

For the manifold attempts to provoke Our late Army, and the Army of the Scots, and to raise a Faction in the City of London, and other part of the Kingdom: If it be said, as relating to Us, We cannot, without great indignation, suffer Our-Self to be reproached, to have intended the least Force, or threatning, to Our Parliament; as the being privy to the bringing-up of the Army would imply: Whereas, We call God to witness, We never had any such thought, or knew of any such resolution, concerning Our late Army.

For the Petition shewed to Us by Captain Legge, We well remember the same, and the occasion of that Conference. Captain Legge being lately come out of the An account of the North, and repairing to Us at White-hall, We asked him of the state of Our Army, glish Army, in the Petition of the Engand (after some relation made of it) he told Us, That the Commanders and North of England Officers of the Army had a mind to petition the Parliament, as others of Our people to the Parliament, had done, and shewed Us the Copy of a Petition: which We read, and (finding tain Legge, and brought-up by Cap, it to be very humble, desiring that the Parliament might receive no interruption in shewn to the King. the Reformation of the Church and State to the model of Queen Elizabeth's days ;) We told him, We saw no harm in it: Whereupon he replyed, That he believed all the Officers of the Army would like it; onely he thought that Sir Jacob Ashley would be unwilling to sign it, out of feare that it might displease Us. We then read the Petition over again; and then (observing nothing in it, either in matter or forme, that, as We conceived, could possibly give just cause of offence,) we delivered it to him againe, bidding him give it to Sir Jacob Ashley, for whose satisfaction We had written C. R. upon it, to testify Our approbation. And We wish that the Petition might even now be seen and published; and then, We believe, it will appear to have been of no dangerous tendency, nor a just ground for the least jealousy or misapprehension.

For Master Jermin, it is well known that he was gone from White-hall before We received the desire of both Houses for the restraint of Our servants: neither did he return thither, or pass-over, by any Warrant granted by Us after that time.

For