abhorrence of what I have conceived to be wrong, or my approbation of what was right, I disregard all, charges of inconsistency in thus speaking of those who have persecuted and wronged my law, fol, and, I believe, most virtuous QUEEN..This hand shall never be devoted to the propagation of either irreligious or seditious tenets; but neither shall the few feeble talents which Almighty God has bestowed upon me, be ever exercised in the cause of oppression, and calumny. Those who have themselves suffered much by such means, know well how to respect the feelings, and to defend the innocence of others; but I trust I have learnt to distinguish between persons and principles, and have no wish to condemn indiscriminately all those who may not happen to think with me, even on this truly important question (if a question it may now be called) of her Majesty's innocence, It is a consideration that ought to stand apart from all abstract political principles-It is one of fact, and not of party-of truth, and not of speculation or expediency...

CHAPTER VIII.

We have now arrived at the concluding chapter of the present volume. It shall be devoted to a detail of those events which took place, both in and out of Parliament, relative to the Queen's affairs

to the first reading of that most hateful Bill of Pains and Penalties, which, if carried into a law, would have effectually crushed her Majesty, unless, indeed, the dreadful alternative of a bloody revolution had restored her to the honours and dignities, by which such an act would have ostensibly deprived her.

We have seen that her Majesty arrived in South Audley Street, on the evening of the 6th of June. Upon this his Majesty's ministers, faithful to their purpose, and, like true statesmen, resolved to keep their word when that word was a threat against a weaker power, the very next day presented messages from the King to both Houses of Parliament, communicating papers respecting the conduct of her Majesty, since her departure from the kingdom. These papers were sealed up, as is customary on occasion of such messages and papers, in a green bag.

His Majesty's message was in substance the same to both Houses of Parliament, and ran as follows:

"G. R.

"The King deems it necessary, in consequence of the arrival of the Queen, to communicate to the House of Lords certain papers relative to the conduct of her Majesty since her departure from this country, which his Majesty recommends to the immediate and serious attention of the House.

"The King has felt the most anxious desire to avert, by all the means in his power, a necessity as painful to the people as to his own feelings; but the step taken by the Queen leaves him no alternative.

The King feels the utmost confidence in making this communication, that the House of Lords will adopt that course of proceeding which the justice of the case, and the honour and dignity of his crown require."

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The royal message being readjathe Earl of Li verpool, by his Majesty's command, then laid on the table the papers referred to in that message. He said he intended to propose that his Majesty's most gracious message should be taken into considera! tion to-morrow, when he meant to move an address upon rit. The terms of the address, he said, would be such as not to pledge their lordships to any thing further than to thank his Majesty for his communication, and to assure his Majesty that their lordships would adopt that course of proceeding which the justice of the case, and the honour and dignity of the crown should appear to require. He would then move to refer the papers he had laid on the table to a secret committee, having for its object to inquire whether any and what course of proceeding should be adopted. He then moved that his Majesty's most gracious message be taken into consideration to-morrow, and that their lordships be summoned for that day.

The House of Lords was exceedingly crowded during the above proceedings. The Duke of Cla rence, Duke of Sussex, and Duke of Glocester, were present. Most of the ministers who had seats in the House were also present, and the opposition benches were full. The number of peers in attendance was uncommonly great.

In the House of Commons similar proceedings took place. On the delivering of his Majesty's message by Lord Castlereagh, his lordship gave

notice that he should move, that the papers then presented be submitted to a secret committées?129

Before, however, any debate was gone into, Mr. Bennet rose to inquire into the authenticity of the letters, &c. that had passed at St. Omer's, relative to the disgraceful proposal made by Lord Hutchins son to the Queen. Mr. Bennet urged an answer to his questions on this subject with much ardour and earnestness; and Lord Castlereagh, with a coolness quite equal to the inquirer's zeal, replied, that," out of tenderness to Mr. Bennet, he should decline answering the question!"

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n) Several members argued for the propriety of Mr. Bennet's question, and urged a reply. Amongst these were Mr. Creevey, and Sir Robert Wilson, The first of these gentlemen observed, that so cont vinced was he of the propriety of the question put with so much feeling by his honourable friend (Mr. Bennet), that had it not been put, it was his intention to have moved for the production of the papers connected with the late negotiation at St. Omer's. The Queen of England was to be prosecuted now, for what ? for having dared to set her foot in England. His Majesty had the same objection to be in the same country with his Queen, that he once had to be in the same drawing-room with her. We were now to have a prosecution founded on the result of an unsuccessful menace, and an unaccepted bribe; a bribe offered to the Queen of England to renounce her title. When his Majesty called upon the House, by his gracious message,

to interest themselves in the consideration of that? evidence which was placed in the bag before them ➡a course which he thought the House would not: be right in pursuing, he called upon them to be come parties in a private prosecution—a prosecution in which the same person was the accuser, party, prosecutor, procurer of evidence, and might, in the end, as the third estate, in the event of a bill of attainder, be the judgelo Since the time of Hebry VIII. the English House of Commons had not been in the habit of thus interfering with the Queens of England. Let them beware how they ventured on such a course. Let that House not participate with a cabinet, whose fifteen members had,non al former night, left their duty there to arm against a single woman. Who was she? The daughter of the Duke of Brunswick, the niece of the lates King, the relation and wife of his Majesty, and the mother of the lamented Princess Charlotte of Wales. Would any man believe, that had that lamented Princess lived, we should have ever heard of these proceedings?would such a message as that communicated to-night have been ever made? There was not a single being who would believe ita He called upon them to pause before they put themselves in such a condition where every future step would involve them in greater difficulties. That was his honest and sincere conviction, and he should consider himself a disgraced person, if thus feeling, he did not avow it.

Sir Robert Wilson said, there never was a mes