AN

HISTORICAL REVIEW

OF THE

STATE OF IRELAND.

CHAPTER IV.

THE REIGN OF GEORGE THE SECOND.

UPON the demise of George the First, his son ascended the throne without disturbance or opposition. Now for the first time since the Revolution did the Roman Catholics of Ireland venture to approach the throne by a public act of their body. The penal laws had been somewhat multiplied, and rigorously executed during the late reign. It was still fresh in the minds of the Catholics, that the severe laws of Queen Ann were said to have been passed against them as a punishment for their having neglected to address her on her accession to the throne. The extreme virulence with which they had been recently calumniated from the press, the pulpit, and the senate, on account of the rebellion of 1715, deterred them from offering any address upon the accession of the Hanover family. At this juncture, however, they drew up an address of congratulation, which in a dignified manner expressed loyalty to their sovereign, and pledged them to a continuance of their peaceful and quiet demeanour. It was presented to the lords justices, by Lord Delvin and several respectable Catholic gentlemen; but it was received with silent contempt. The lords justices, who were humbly intreated to transmit it to his majesty, never condescended to make an answer to those who presented it; nor has it been known to this day, whether it reached the hands of the sovereign, or were strangled in its birth by the heads of the English interest, who dreaded nothing so much as the united loyalty of the people of Ireland. The severe ordeal, which Catholic loyalty had passed

VOL. II,

during the reign of George the First, had it seems so far blunted the edge of calumny, that public vituperation was considered no longer prudent. The great engine, patron, and supporter of the English interest in Ireland, was Primate Boulter; who well knew that the opposite party, hitherto known by the distinction of Tories, which he affected to call the disaffected, and the king's enemies, were acquiring daily strength by the accession of all those who, as patriots, preferred an Irish to an English interest in their native country; and sensible that the means of supporting the English interest would not bear the light, his Grace effected, by a coup de main, a bold measure, which would probably have failed, had it been previously canvassed and openly debated in the then prevailing temper of the public mind.

However grievous were the penal laws imposed upon the Catholics during the reigns of Elizabeth and Ann, it is but justice to allow, that none of them had deprived them of the elective franchise, that essential and firm armour of a free constitution. By the 24th section of the most vexatious and oppressive of all those acts, 2 Ann, c. 6. An Act to prevent the further Growth of Popery, it was indeed enacted, "that from and after the 24th day “of March, 1703, no freeholder, burgess, freeman, or inhabitant "of that kingdom being a Papist, or professing the Popish "religion, should at any time thereafter be capable of giving his "or their vote for electing of knights of any shires or counties "within that kingdom, or citizens or burgesses to serve in any "succeeding parliament, without first repairing to the general quarter session of the peace to be holden for the counties, cities "or boroughs wherein such Papists did inhabit and dwell, and "there voluntarily taking the oath of allegiance, and also the oath "of abjuration, and obtaining a certificate thereof from the clerk "of the peace." Now as it was well known from the tried loyalty and attachment of the Catholics to the family on the throne, that they were generally ready to take these oaths,) the harsh plan was formed to shut them out of this only participation of the constitution. The attention, which the nation now began to pay to their civil rights, and the part which the Catholics took in the elections, being the only occasion on which they could exercise any civil right that had weight in the state, awakened the primate's jealousy and alarm, and drove him to the desperate resolution of upholding the English interest* in Ireland by disfran

As much of Primate Boulter's letters as the editor has favoured us with, openly avows this prelate's principles upon the subject. Within three weeks after the death of the king, he writes to the Duke of Newcastle, (1 vol. page 177.) "every thing here is very quiet :" and on the same day he informs Lord Townsend (p. 176,) "we have no other bustle amongst us than what arises "from the warm canvass going on in all parts about the election of members

chising above four fifths of its population.* The great opposition to the English interest, which it was the pride and boast of this

66

"for the ensuing parliament." He had three days before apprized Lord Carteret, then lord lieutenant, (p. 173,) "that the whole kingdom was in the ut"most ferment about the coming elections. I can safely appeal (said his "grace) to your excellency for my having to the best of my power served his “late majesty, and supported the English interest here: and I shall always serve his present majesty as faithfully: but to be able to do it with the good "effect I desire, I hope I shall be as well supported as I have been. Your "excellency knows I have nothing to ask: and I believe princes have seldom "over many, that are disposed to serve them as faithfully on so easy terms. It "would put a good spirit into the king's friends here, and particularly the En"glish, if they knew, by your excellency's means, what they had to depend up"on. There is another thing I cannot but suggest to your excellency, though "I am under no fear of the experiment being made, that any thing which looks “like bringing the Tories into power here, must cause the utmost uneasiness "in this kingdom, by raising the spirits of the Papists of this country, and ex"asperating the Whigs, who your lordship knows are vastly superior amongst "gentlemen of estates here."

"To an enquirer after the truth, history, since the year 1699, furnishes "very imperfect and often partial views of the affairs of Great Britain and "Ireland. The latter has no professed historian of its own since that era, "and it is so slightingly mentioned in the histories of the former kingdom, "that it seems to be introduced rather to shew the accuracy of the accountant, "than as an article to be read and examined. (The Commercial Restraints of "Ireland considered, 1780, p. 37, written by the Right Hon. Hely Hutchinson, late "Provost of Trinity College, Dublin.) Pamphlets (continues he) are often writ"ten to serve occasional purposes, and with an intention to misrepresent, and "party writers are not worth any regard. We must then endeavour to find "some other guide, and look into the best materials for history, by considering "the facts as recorded in the journals of parliament." The dearth of histori cal documents for the last century has driven the author to make researches into all the speeches, that have been published upon the subject, to which those historical facts have reference. In general such speeches must rank with the party writers that are not worth any regard. It is painful to be under the necessity of guarding the reader against the misrepresentations (one hopes not wilful, still less malevolent,) of men of talent, information, and personal respectability. The Right Honourable John Foster, the speaker of the late Irish House of Commons, in his speech in the committee of the Roman Catholic bill, on the 27th of February, 1793, in his zeal for keeping the Catholics shut out of this constitutional right to the elective franchise, not only maintains the justice and equity of not admitting them to this participation of the constitution, but attempts to prove, that they had been excluded from it by law before the passing of the 1 George II. and ever since the Revolution. The right honourable gentleman says, "the preamble of the 2d of Ann shews clearly the in"tent of the legislature was to exclude them, and for preventing Papists hav "ing it in their power to breed dissensions, by voting at elections of members "of parliament, &c. Even the act of George the Second, which they say was "the first that excluded them, says in its preamble,-and for the better pre"venting Papists from voting, &c.-as if it were a known fact, that they were "before excluded, &c " (p. 11 and 12.) The first preamble, upon which he grounds his argument was to the particular section and not to the statute; and it is impossible to suppose that right honourable gentleman so ignorant of the general construction of statutes, as not to know that odiosa sunt restringenda; that the evil and remedy are to be commensurate: that the oath and abjuration were but a test of submission to the reigning families, and that none refused them but Jacobites, against whose attempts alone to breed dissensions among Protestants the intent of the act was to provide: that if as Papists they were

prelate to support, was dreaded from those who assuming the title of patriots, now solemnly protested against any foreign ascendency over the native rights and interests of their country. It was not natural, that the body of the Irish people should be forward in supporting such foreign ascendency, whether English or Protestant. The Catholics having long been the unceasing object of calumny and persecution to both parties, as it served their several views, were palled with apathy, and had hitherto found neither in Whig or Tory any principle of relief to their degraded and suffering condition. In point of fact they had suffered less from the family of Brunswick than that of Stuart. Hence arose a dawn of hope that their miseries were on the wane, and they came forward to address their new sovereign. This step was not carried without a considerable division of the Catholic body;* of which the primate so dexterously availed himself in the then pending elections, that on the 24th of August, 1727, he assured the lord lieutenant, that the elections would generally go well.t

before disabled to vote, it would have been nugatory to call upon them to give this test of their loyalty, which was not incompatible with their religion: that if it had been the intent of the legislature to exclude them from voting at elec-tions, they would have required a subscription to the declaration or the oath of supremacy: he must well have known that the resolutions of one committee on a controverted election, was not even a precedent for another committee, much less the law of the land.

* On the 20th of July, 1727, the primate wrote to Lord Carteret: "I hear "this day, that the address yesterday presented by some Roman Catholics, "occasions great heats and divisions among those of that religion here." (1 vol. p. 188.)

It long has been, and probably long will be a complaint, that the cause of the king and constitution are frequently identified with the corrupt measures of the king's servants. At this time the real interest of his majesty, was the welfare and prosperity of Ireland; not the maintenance of an English ascendency there, which had in view to keep down the native influence of Ireland. “I "shall leave it to your excellency, what change you will think proper to make "in the list of privy counsellors here. Your excellency knows as well as any "body, who of the present list are enemies to England, and oppose the king's "business on all occasions. I shall submit it to your excellency, whether it "may be proper for the strengthening of the English interest here, to have the present archbishop of Cashell inserted in the new list." The whole tenor of this prelate's correspondence proves the same; and his editor assures us, that these letters will ever remain the most authentic history of Ireland, for the space of time in which they were written; viz. between 1724 and 1742, during which his grace was thirteen times one of the lords justices. It is at length fitting to unmask our prejudices, and pay the just tribute to truth; we can no longer dissemble, that the system of maintaining a foreign ascendency in Ireland, was a system in no shape conducive to the prosperity and welfare of that kingdom. We cannot doubt of the existence of such a system, when we find this prelate acklowledging his obligations to Lord Carteret for the early care he took of the English in Ireland (1 vol. p. 186.), and giving him a solemn pledge of his past and future fidelity in this honourable service. "I am sensible of your goodness in acquainting his present majesty, that the supporting of me here "will be for his interest, and I desire the continuance of your good offices with

Multifarious and extensive were the grounds of national discontent at this time in Ireland. The nation laboured under grievances that restrained commerce, damped agriculture, and checked every incitement to industry. The public mind still rankled at the attempt of government to father Wood's base copper upon them: the odium of that measure long survived its failure: the wretchedness of the poor, (that infallible test of bad government) which the Duke of Grafton had in 1723 recommended to parliament to relieve, had been daily encreasing: in the same year 1723 a petition was presented from the woollen-drapers, weavers and clothiers of Dublin on behalf of themselves and the other drapers, weavers and clothiers of that kingdom, praying relief in relation to the great decay of trade in the woollen manufacture,* since which time no relief had been afforded: frequent speeches from the throne and resolutions of the House of Commons had noticed the encreasing poverty of the nation by the accumulation of the national debt: and Lord Carteret in his speech from the throne in 1727 virtually acknowledged the melancholy and disastrous situation of the nation by recommending to the consideration of the parliament such laws as might be necessary for the encouragement of manufactures, the employment of the poor, and the general good of the country. Already that scarcity began to be felt, which in the years 1728 and 1729 nearly amounted to a famine. Indicative of the national embarrassments of Ireland at this period were the indecisive resolutions of the commons, and the institution of a commission under the

"the king." (Ibid.) And "while the same measures are pursued as in the "last reign, we shall be all easy here: and it must be left to his majesty to judge "what persons are most proper to be employed in his service." And "I must "request of your grace (i. e. Newcastle) as I have of his lordship (i. e. Car"teret), that you would both use your interest to have none but Englishmen "put into the great places here for the future." (1 vol. p. 23.)

Their petition contains these words, "The woollen manufacture of this "kingdom, which is confined to our consumption, has of late been so consider"ably lessened, that several thousand families have been forced to beg alms " and charity of good Christians, and a collection lately made throughout the "whole city to relieve them from starving." 3 Journ. Commons, p. 349. † 3 Journ. Commons, p. 464.

On the 7th of March 1727, Primate Boulter wrote to his grace of Newcastle (p. 226.) "Since I came here in the year 1725, there was almost a fa"mine among the poor: last year the dearness of corn was such, that thou. "sands of families quitted their habitations to seek bread elsewhere, and many "hundreds perished. This year the poor had consumed their potatoes, which "is their winter subsistence, near two months sooner than ordinary, and are "already through the dearness of corn in that want, that in some places they "begin to quit their habitations."

In the space of six months, ending on the 29th of September, 1729, it appears from the report of the House of Commons, that the import of corn amounted to 274,000!. an enormous sum when referred to the fiscal powers of the kingdom at that time.