Many cried loudly against persecution, who still voted for the disabilities, pains, penalties, and forfeitures of their fellow subjects. The rejection of the *intermarriage bill, by the commons of that day, evidently demonstrates the wishes and determination of the majority of their house to keep Ireland a divided people, in order to support the oligarchy of a privileged order over the rest of the community, as a vilified and degraded cast.

Although these, and some other bills did not receive the royal assent during the vice-royalty of Lord Carlisle, yet having been brought forward under him, they may be considered as acts of his administration. Such also was the billt for establishing a

"oppressions unknown before in a civilized age, which prevailed during that period in consequence of a pretended conspiracy among the Roman Catholics "against the king's government. I could dilate upon the mischiefs that may "happen, from those which have happened upon this head of disqualification, if "it were at all necessary.

"The head of exclusion from votes for members of parliament is closely "connected with the former. When you cast your eye on the Statute Book, "you will see, that no Catholic, even in the ferocious act of Queen Anne, was "disabled from voting on account of his religion; the only conditions required "for that privilege were the oaths of allegiance and abjuration, both relative "to a civil concern. Parliament has since added another oath of the same "kind; and yet an House of Commons adding to the securities of government "in proportion as its danger is confessedly lessened, and professing both con"fidence and indulgence, takes away, in effect, the privilege left by an act full "of jealousy, and professing persecution.

No can

"The taking away of a vote is the taking away the shield which the sub"ject has, not only against the oppression of power, but that worst of all op"pressions, the persecution of private society and private manners. "didate for parliamentary influence is obliged to the least attention towards "them, either in cities or counties. On the contrary, if they should become "obnoxious to any bigotted or malignant people, amongst whom they live, it "will become the interest of those who court popular favour, to use the num"berless means which always reside in magistracy and influence, to oppress "them. The proceedings in a certain county in Munster during the unfortu"nate period I have mentioned, read a strong lecture on the cruelty of depriv ing men of that shield, on account of their speculative opinions."

* Mr. Burke has also spoken strongly of the act prohibiting the intermarriage of Protestants and Catholics, which was passed in the short administration of Lord Chesterfield. “Mr. Gardiner's humanity (says he, p 25) was " shocked at it, as one of the worst parts of that truly barbarous system, if "one could well settle the preference, where almost all the parts were out"rageous on the laws of humanity, and the law of nature. This man, (Lord "Chesterfield) while he was duping the credulity of Papists with fine words "in private, and commending their good behaviour during a rebellion in Great "Britain, as it well deserved to be commended and rewarded, was capable of urging penal laws against them in a speech from the throne, and stimulating with provocatives the wearied and half exhausted bigotry of the then parlia ment of Ireland. They sat to work, but were at a loss what to do; for they "had already almost gone through every contrivance, which could waste the vigour of their country: but, after much struggle, they produced a child of "their old age, the shocking and unnatural act about marriages, which tended "to finish the scheme for making the people not only two distinct parties for "ever, but keeping them as two distinct species in the same land."

21 & 22 Geo. III. c. xvi.

national bank of Ireland, with some other beneficial bills of regulation. As the Irish administration was but a subordinate part of that of Great Britain, it was natural, that the lord lieutenant and his secretary should carry on matters with a less high hand, when once they perceived the opposition in Great Britain daily gaining ground, and hastening the downfal of that ill-fated* ministry, which had weakened the British empire by the loss of her American colonies, the useless sacrifice of one hundred thousand lives, and the accumulation of above a hundred millions of national debt.

The first unequivocal symptom of the downfal of Lord North's administration, was the resignation of Lord George Germaine (3 Bels. Mem. Geo. III. p. 244). The unpopularity of the American secretary was so great and manifest, that he now thought it expedient, seeing parliamentary censures likely to become again in fashion, to resign the seals of that department, and for his eminent services, he was, by his majesty, raised to the dignity of the peerage. But before the great seal was affixed to the patent, the Marquis of Carmarthen moved in the house of peers, "That it was highly derogatory to "the honour of that house, that any person labouring under the sentence of a "court-martial, styled in the public orders issued by his late majesty, a cen"sure much worse than death, and adjudged unfit to serve his majesty in any "military capacity, should be recommended to the crown as a proper person "to sit in that house."

The motion was evaded by the question of adjournment; but Lord George Germaine having actually taken his seat in the house under the title of Lord Viscount Sackville, the Marquis of Carmarthen renewed his attack, and urged, "That the house of peers being a court of honour, it behoved them to preserve "that honour uncontaminated, and to mark in the most forcible manner their "disapprobation of the introduction of a person into that assembly who was "stigmatized in the orderly books of every regiment in the service."

Lord Abingdon, who seconded the motion, styled the admission of Lord George Germaine to a peerage, "An insufferable indignity to that house, and "an outrageous insult to the public."

The motion was powerfully supported by the Duke of Richmond, Lord Southampton, the Earl of Shelburne, the Marquis of Rockingham, and other distinguished peers. On the division, nevertheless, it was rejected by a majority of 93 to 28 voices: a protest, however, was entered on the journals of the house, declaring the promotion of his lordship to be " A measure fatal to the interests "of the crown, insulting to the memory of the late sovereign, and highly de66 rogatory to the dignity of the house."

Mr. Fox, on the 20th of February, 1782, again brought forward his motion of censure, somewhat varied, on Lord Sandwich, which was negatived by a majority of 19 voices only, in a house consisting of 453 members; but to the astonishment of the nation, the noble lord still daringly kept possession of his office, although 217 members of the House of Commons had pronounced him "Guilty of a shameful mismanagement of the naval affairs of Great Britain." And on the 22d of February, General Conway moved "For an address to the king earnestly imploring his majesty that he would be graciously pleased to "listen to the humble prayer and advice of his faithful Commons, that the war "on the continent of North America might no longer be pursued, for the im"practicable purpose of reducing that country to obedience by force." This was opposed in a long speech by Mr. Welbore Ellis, (now Lord Mendip) the rew secretary for the American department; and on the division, the minister had the fearful majority of one voice only. On Mr. W. Ellis Mr. Burke was pow erfully severe in his answer. "This war," said he, had been amazingly

One of the last acts of Mr. Eden's, in the commons, was the communication of his majesty's gracious answer to their address relative to the affairs of Portugal, on the 5th of March, 1782. Lord Carlisle now foreseeing in the change of ministry a total change of principles and measures with reference to Ireland, and

"fertile in the growth of new statesmen; the right honourable gentleman was "indeed an old member, but a young secretary. Having, however, studied at "the feet of Gamaliel, he had entered into full possession of all the parliamen"tary qualifications, by which his predecessor had been so conspicuously dis"tinguished; the same attachments, the same antipathies, the same extravagant delusion, the same wild phantoms of the brain, marked the right hon"ourable gentleman as the true ministerial heir and residuary legatee of the "noble viscount: and notwithstanding the metamorphosis he had recently "undergone, he was so truly the same thing in the same place, that justly "might it be said of him, alter et idem nascitur,' being of the catterpillar "species, he had remained the destined time within the soft and silken folds "of a lucrative employment, till having burst his ligaments, he fluttered forth, "the butterfly minister of the day,"

On the 15th of March, 1782, a resolution was made by Sir John (now Lord) Rous, a man once zealously attached to Lord North's administration, that the house, taking into consideration the debt incurred, and the losses sustained in the present war, could place no further confidence in the ministers, who had the direction of public affairs. A violent debate ensued; on the division, the numbers were, 227 for, and 236 against the motion. And on the 19th, the Earl of Surrey (now Duke of Norfolk) had proposed to move a similar resolution; but when his lordship was about to rise, Lord North addressed himself to the speaker, and said, "That as he understood the object of the noble "lord's motion to be the removal of ministers, he wished to prevent the neces"sity of giving the house further trouble, by an explicit declaration, that his "majesty had come to a determination, to make an entire change of adminis"tration; and he and his colleagues, only retained their official situation til! "other ministers were appointed to occupy their places."

The answer was to the following effect :....." His majesty has received the "address of the House of Commons with that affectionate satisfaction which "their professions of duty, loyalty, and zealous attachment to his person and "royal family, never fail to excite in his majesty's breast; and his majesty "does not admit a doubt, that those principles will continue to constitute, as "they have hitherto invariably done, a most distinguished part of the charac"ter of his people of Ireland.

"His majesty gives his faithful commons the strongest assurances, that the "confidence they so dutifully repose in his paternal protection, which has been "constantly exerted during the course of his reign, in promoting and estab"lishing the prosperity of his kingdom of Ireland, is most justly founded, as "no purpose is nearer his majesty's heart than to afford them every solid proof "of that protection.

"His majesty is not surprised, that his faithful commons, always attentive "to the true interest of this country, should have observed with alarm and "concern, the obstruction given in the ports of Portugal to the importation of "Irish woollen and printed linen manufactures into that kingdom; and the full "satisfaction, which the House of Commons express in his majesty's solicitude "upon this important subject, and in his unremmitted endeavours to open the "eyes of Portugal, not only to the true sense of the treaties between the two crowns, but to a just understanding of her own real interests, is graciously "accepted by his majesty.

His majesty applauds the temper and moderation of his commons upon ** this occasion; such a conduct is always becoming of their prudence and wis

having received no fresh instructions or support from the British cabinet, wished only to carry some of the then pending bills up to the lords, on the 14th of March, 1782, adjourned the parlia ment to the 16th of April. By that time a general change having taken place in the British ministry, Mr. Eden went to London with Lord Carlisle's resignation of the lieutenancy of that kingdom, desiring only time to make some necessary arrangements, and to close the session of parliament. On the 14th of April, his Grace the Duke of Portland arrived in Dublin, and immediately took upon him the chief government of Ireland. Mr. Eden, very speedily after his arrival in England, laid before the British parliament,* a view of the political history of Ireland during the two last years; acquainted the house with the measures which (he said) were then forming for rendering it totally independent of the British legislature; and concluded with moving for leave to bring in a bill to repeal so much of the act of the 6th of George I. as asserted a right in the king and parliament of Great Britain to make laws to bind that kingdom. The precipitation, with which a business of such magnitude and importance was thus attempted to be forced on the house, without previous communication from any of his majesty's ministers, or knowledge of their intentions, was severely censured, and the more especially as it appeared, that the right honourable gentleman had refused to give any official information to government relative to the state of the country he had just left. Mr. Eden, though loudly called on to withdraw his motion, persisted in urging its necessity; and in vindication of his own conduct, stated, that the reason of his refusing to have any communication with his majesty's present servants, was the great want of attention to the Earl of Carlisle, which they had shewn in the mode of appointing his successor, and in his removal from the lord lieute nancy of the East Riding of Yorkshire. This apology served rather to increase the displeasure of the house; a motion of censure on his conduct was threatened; and it was with great diffi culty he was at last brought to comply with the general wish of

"dom, but particularly so in the present instance, as it affords time for fur"ther exertions towards bringing this business to a happy conclusion; and the "House of Commons may rest assured, that his majesty will persevere in every possible effort for the attainment of that desirable end."

*The debate on the situation of Ireland on the 8th of April, 1782, in the British House of Commons, is so illustrative of the ancient system of governing Ireland; so explanatory of the views and motives of the different measures imposed upon that kingdom by the British cabinet; so demonstrative of prin ciples opposite to those of the Union and mutual prosperity of both kingdoms, that the reader will be happy to learn from the mouths of the actors themselves a complete narrative of this great revolution in the kingdom of Ireland: for which, vide Appendix, No. LXVIII. where the whole debate is given.

Mr. Fox informed the

the house in withdrawing his motion. house in the course of this debate, that the ministers of the crown, during the short time they had been in office, had actually holden three or four councils, solely on the affairs of Ireland: and that he hoped very soon, perhaps within the next four-and-twenty hours, to lay some preparatory measure before them.

On the the very next day, viz. April 9th, 1782,* Mr. Secretary Fox communicated the following message to the house:

"GEORGE R.

"His majesty being concerned to find, that dis❝contents and jealousies are prevailing among his loyal subjects "in Ireland, upon matters of great weight and importance, ear66 nestly recommends to this house, to take the same into their most serious consideration, in order to such a final adjustment "as may give mutual satisfaction to both kingdoms. G. R."

Mr. Secretary Fox said, that he hoped the house would give credit to his majesty's ministers on the subject of Ireland, and believed that they had not, during the short interval they had been in office, in any shape neglected to take into their consideration the very serious and alarming condition of that country; nor should they suspect, that the present message from the throne was brought down in consequence of the very singular motion made in that house the day before. His majesty was most earnestly desirous of settling the discontents and jealousies that subsisted in the minds of his subjects of the kingdom of Ireland; and surely they deserved the name of discontents and jealousies, for they had risen to be very dangerous and alarming. The measures, which his majesty's ministers conceived necessary to be taken in the present instance, and which he was to propose to the house, would require a great deal of most serious discussion. He intended to move for an humble address to his majesty, to assure his majesty that they would, without delay, take into their most serious consideration this important subject; and endeavour to assist his majesty's earnest and most gracious wishes to restore confidence and harmony between the two kingdoms. The right honourable gentleman said, that though the words "without delay," were introduced into the motion for the address, it was by no means his intention to urge the house to any hasty or premature measure, which might heal the differences for a time, without putting a final stay and conclusion to the business. The house would perceive, that in the pretensions of the Irish, expressed by the parliament and people, the matter contained no

7 Parl. Debates, p. 24. And on the same day, a message to the same effect was delivered to the lords, the first day of their meeting, and addresses were unanimously voted by both houses.