that it seemed at length wrought into, and become even a part of the constitution. That the prejudices on that ground were so strong, both within the house and without, that the attempts made in the two preceding sessions, only to obtain a moderate relaxation of the restrictions, with which Ireland was bounden, met with the most determined opposition: the few, who had undertaken that task, found themselves obliged to encounter prejudice without, petitions and counsel at the bar, and to be at last overborne by numbers within the house. Thus ministers were fully exculpated from the charge, that was brought against them; and it was demonstrable, that they had no share whatever in drawing on the calamities of Ireland: and it was as clearly evident, that it was not in their power to have afforded that timely redress to her grievances, a supposed or imputed neglect in which had been made the ground of so much ingenious, but unfounded, and therefore, unjust invective. It was farther alleged, that it would have been highly unfitting, and might have been attended with obvious ill consequences, for the British parliament to have at all entered upon the affairs of Ireland, until they were properly informed what the nature of her wants, and the extent of her demands were; as it was from these circumstances only, that any true judgment could be formed as to the measure of relief, which it would be fitting to afford to that country. That now, by having convened the parliament of Ireland first, its sentiments were properly brought forward, and came fairly within the cognizance of the British legislature; and all they had now to consider was, how far it would be advisable to comply with the requests made by Ireland; and with what terms and conditions it might be thought proper to charge the favours granted. That the present ministers, instead of being inimical to Ireland or inattentive to her interests, had been her best and warmest friends. That they had done more for her than all their predecessors during a century past. That not only the nation at large, but parliament, were till then adverse from granting any concessions to Ireland, which could afford her either content or redress: and consequently if any blame were due for not affording more early relief to Ireland, it was imputable only to the prejudices and temper of the people and parliament of England, and not by any means to the ministers, who, as they had no share in the causes of her distresses, were equally guiltless as to their continuance.

These arguments were opposed by the supporters of the motion, who reprobated in terms of high indignation the imputation of prejudice laid to that house, by which ministers (they said) according to their established, but daring practice, attempted to father all their blunders and misdemeanors on parliament. They laughed at the pretended weakness and inefficiency with respect

to the transactions of the house, which ministers then affected, in order thereby to shield their own neglect with respect to Ireland. They however absolutely denied, that the minister had been passive, neutral, or inefficacious as to the affairs of that country; on the contrary, they charged him with having taken a very active part in the business during the preceding session. For a bill having been brought in to afford relief to Ireland by admitting the direct importation of sugars for her own consumption, and he having (as they said) for some time suffered things to take their natural course in that house, the bill was accordingly coolly and deliberately canvassed and debated in all its parts, and by the strength of its own intrinsic merit worked its way through repeated divisions, until it had nearly arrived at the last stage of its progress. But at that inauspicious moment, the minister having by some means been roused from his slumber, most unhappily re-assumed his activity, and departing at once from that neutrality, which he had hitherto professed, came down with all the power, and surrounded with all the instruments of office, in order to defeat the measure, and accordingly succeeded in throwing out the bill. That when the people of Ireland saw, that the minister had thus openly set his face directly against them, and found after, that every effort in their favour was rendered abortive by his influence or management, until they saw themselves at length totally abandoned by the rising of the British parliament, it was no wonder, that they should become desperate, and that they should seek in themselves for the means of that redress, which they found denied both to favour and to justice.

Ministers, they said, boasted, that the distresses of Ireland had not originated with them; it could be readily admitted, that she was not without grievances previous to the fatal period of their administration; but her immediate calamities sprung principally from the same grand source of all those general evils and dangers, from the American war. By that Ireland, like England, lost a valuable part of her commerce, with less ability to support the loss, and the corrupt expenses of a feeble government increased, as all the means of supplying them diminished.

In this severe manner was the minister's defence treated by his opponents; but no part was handled with more spirit than the plea for not affording timely relief to Ireland, because the parliament of that country was not then sitting. The debates on this occasion were long, various, and interesting; but the question being at last put, at a very late hour, the motion was rejected upon a division, by a majority of 173 to 100.

In the course of this debate most of the leading men in the commons delivered their sentiments very fully; none more so

than Mr. Burke. The people of Ireland, said he, have reasoned fairly and justly: the colonies, they knew, had been offered the most, that their own most sanguine expectations could aspire to, a free trade with all the world. America, for her revolt, has had a choice of favours holden out to her. That was the reward of rebellion. Ireland, for her loyalty for almost a century, and her forbearance under accumulated oppression and internal distresses, had been refused the mighty indulgence of importing her own sugars. The Irish justly conceived, that their merit ought not to be imputed to them as demerit; and that the first principles of all good government would be departed from, if their deserts were to be weighed in the political scale, as only entitling them. to punishment, not reward. At all events, without taking any peculiar merit with the British government, for their loyal, faithful, and peaceable demeanour, they thought they were at least entitled to meet the colonies upon equal terms, and with equal expectations of favour and relief, to those which America had spurned at with contempt.

These were the grounds, on which the people of Ireland proceeded, when all hopes of redress from this side of the water had vanished. What was the first resolution they adopted? Like America, to consume no more British manufactures. The next? To enforce this resolution, by rendering it operative and extensive, and for that purpose, entering into a non-importation agreement. What next? To arm and array themselves to the number of forty thousand men. What next? A parliamentary declaration, that nothing short of a free trade could afford them effectual relief; and as the last act, in order to secure a due and faithful performance of what they claim, they pass a money bill for six months. Ministers have but six months credit with the parliament of Ireland. What then was the true state of both kingdoms? Ireland insisting on a free trade, or determined to break off all political connexion with this country.

The noble lord endeavoured to legalize the associations in Ireland, with remarkable ingenuity, under the sanction of two acts of parliament. One of them was out of the question, he believed, by any possible interpretation that could be put upon it [the bill of rights as not extending to Ireland, we presume] the other was, in fact, not less so. He meant the act passed in the Irish parliament in the year 1745, during the rebellion in Scotland. Did the noble lord mean to say, that by that act men had a right to arm themselves, and elect their own officers? And that those officers were legally commissioned to act without an authority from the crown? If he did, the idea was preposterous, and

to the last degree absurd, and as such, he presumed the noble lord had not expressed himself agreeably to his real intentions: the great dispute, which brought on the civil war, and which had been so often between the king and parliament, and on which their disputes at the commencement chiefly turned, was the very particular point then under consideration, so far as it related to the assertions of the noble lord; and he believed it was a principle ascertained by the constitution, and confirmed by positive law, that, let men be armed by the state, or by themselves, they cannot act or assemble but under a commission from his majesty. He had a most respectable authority to support him in this opinion, no less than the lord chancellor of Ireland, Lord Lifford; who, when a vote of thanks was moved and agreed to by the majority of the House of Lords of Ireland, to the associators of that kingdom, refused to give his assent, honestly stating his reasons, that he could never join in a vote of thanks, as a peer of parliament or a lawyer, to any set of men, be their motives ever so laudable or patriotic, who were acting in a military capacity contrary to law.

Not only was Ireland at this time associated in arms, but united in principle; and a spirit of patriotism carried the people and their representatives to one and the same object. Colonel Barré had faithfully depicted the real and well founded conviction, under which that people were then acting; namely,† that it was their loyalty and affection, which encouraged ministers to oppress

15 Deb. p. 128.

†The volunteer uncommissioned army of Ireland was so extraordinary a phenomenon in all its relations, that the opinions of the great statesmen of that day upon it must be interesting to every British subject. In the debate on Lord Ossory's motion, Mr. Fox thus expressed himself upon the subject (15 Parl. Deb. p. 129). "The Irish associations had been called illegal; legal "or illegal, he declared he entirely approved of them. He approved of that "manly determination, which, in the dernier resort, flies to arms in order to "obtain deliverance. When the last particle of good faith in men is exhaust"ed, they will seek in themselves the means of redress; they will recur to "first principles, to the spirit as well as letter of the constitution, and they can "never fail in such resources, though the law may literally condemn such a "departure from its general and unqualified rules, truth, justice, and public "virtue, accompanied with prudence and judgment, will ever bear up good "men in a good cause, that of private protection.

"God knew, that he sincerely lamented the cause, which produced this sad, " he could not but say, this perplexing and humiliating alternative. He most "heartily lamented that any cause had been administered, which seemed to "justify violence or resistance; he dreaded the consequences, however justi"fiable in their origin, or moderately or judiciously conducted: but whatever "the effects might be, he was ready to acknowledge, that such a power was " inherent in men; as men and citizens it was a sacred trust in their hands, "as a defence of the possible or actual abuse of power, political treachery, and "the arts and intrigues of government; and when all other means failed resist"ance he should ever hold as perfectly justifiable."

and neglect them, so it was a proper sense of those oppressions and neglects, that produced their present resentments, and had provoked them to arms. In neither house of the British parliament were the desperate distress and calamity of Ireland even doubted; all were of accord as to the existence of the evil: the only differences were, who had created, and who had countenanced or fomented, who had negatively or positively given continuance to it, and how was it then to be remedied.*

In the Irish senate a new scene was opened, and the voice of patriotism re-echoed from each side of the house with equal ardour. Encouragement had been given to them by the gracious answer from the throne to the address of the House of Commons, communicated to the house on the 1st of November, 1779;t in which his majesty assured them of his sincere concern for the distresses of his kingdom of Ireland, of his affectionate attention to their interests, and of his constant readiness to concur in such measures, as should upon mature consideration, appear most conducive to the general welfare of all his subjects. The parliament of Ireland now used serious exertions in behalf of their country; the House of Commons, with a view of obtaining an enlargement of their commerce, spiritedly resolved to grant the supply only for a short period, and accordingly agreed to a six months money bill, which was transmitted to England, where, however mortifying to the minister, it reluctantly passed. The house likewise resolved unanimously, "That the exportation from that kingdom "of its woollen and other manufactures to all foreign places "would materially tend to relieve its distresses, increase its "wealth, promote its prosperity, and thereby advance the welfare "of Great Britain, and the common strength, wealth, and com"merce of the British empire.

"That a liberty for that kingdom to trade with the British "colonies in America and the West Indies, and the British set❝tlements on the coast of Africa, in like manner as trade is car

* Mr. Fox in his speech on the debate upon Lord Ossory's motion pointedly asked, What was it that armed 42,000 men in Ireland with the arguments carried on the points of 42,000 bayonets? The American war (15 P. D. p. 125 and p. 127). "It was the general calamities of the empire, which had "made Ireland poor; but it was the incapacity and negligence of government "that had rendered her bold and daring. It was therefore incumbent upon "parliament, to shew their fullest disapprobation of that indolence and incapacity, and convince Ireland, that they are as ready as themselves to resent "and punish the cruel and improper treatment, which she has received from "ministers. Ireland would see by such a conduct, that it was not this country, "but its ministers, who were blameable; which would, in his opinion, prove the "surest means of once more binding both countries in the strongest and most "indissoluble ties of friendship and affection. That, in his opinion, was the "motive, which ought to operate with Britain at the present minute."

† Com. Journ. p. 17.