and feet to the ignominious cross, in bodily sufferings that excruciate our feelings barely to imagine,—when we hear the cry of the holy, meek, but agonised sufferer, uttering the significant words, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? and continue in such intolerable, inconceivable agony for three long hours,-when we see all this, when we reflect that this was inflicted by the holy, just, good, God, on his own Son, for our sins -when we contemplate the divine dignity of God's own Son-true God, and the corresponding enhancements of all he did and suffered,-when we reflect on the relation between Him and His Father, and duly weigh these things we shall no longer wonder at the eternity of the future punishment of the wicked, nor attempt to explain away the passages of Scripture which teach it; so far from that we shall behold, on the cross, a reason why the punishment of the wicked cannot be otherwise than eternal, in the very thing that fills our hearts with joy and peace in believing, and so far from cavilling with God about his severity on his future inflictions on the lost, our hearts-full of gratitude to the Father for his unspeakable gift, His own Son-rejoice in remission and entire deliverance from the wrath to come, and with admiration, wonder, and praise acknowledge to our Heavenly Father,-Hereby we know thou lovest us, for thou hast not withheld from us thy Son, even thine only Son; now it is in our power to certify for ourselves eternal joys, running parallel with the misery of the doorned; and let it be remembered that now is the time to determine the character of our future eternity. He that believed shall be saved. He that believed not shall be condemned. God so loved the world, that He gave His only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth on Him should not perish, but have everlasting life, for God sent his Son, not that the world should be condemned but saved.

THE WAR.-OUR PRESENT POSITION.

We did not trouble our readers with any remarks while the negotiations were going on at Vienna; but the present crisis demands a few observations.

The War question is in a strange position. It was a constant complaint against the Aberdeen Ministry, that vain attempts at negotiation were ever going on, while in a state of war. Much more aggravating is the conduct of the successors of the Northern Thane, in leaving open the Conference at Vienna, when the utmost concessions have been rejected by Russia, and the Congress ought to have been completely closed. We are as anxious and sincere as any one for peace, but not certainly for a peace humiliating to our arms, and leaving Russia uncontrolled and ready to repeat the aggression on the first opportunity. We complain, not so much of the anxiety of the Government for peace, nor even of the desire of many parties to obtain this end at any price; as of the manner and the time chosen to accomplish it. It is an extraordinary and anomalous proceeding to be carrying on negotiations for peace while the war is going on. Before these were entered into, there ought to have been a

cessation of hostilities. Nothing has tended more to the crippling of our resources, the weakening of our efforts, and the tardy and unenergetic prosecution of the contest, than the perpetual hunting after peace, and the repeated unceasing negotiations for this purpose. This incertitudethe hanging between peace and war-the double process being enacted at one and the same time--spoils both, retards the advancement of peace, and dulls the prosecution of the war. The continuation of hostilities, especially where success is so nicely balanced, will and must affect the demands and concessions of the adverse parties. Similarly, the continuance of negotiations for peace cannot but injure the proper prosecution of the war. These two elements being entirely discordant and antagonistic, cannot be consistently carried on at one and the same time. The choice must be made. Either let the warfare cease, and negotiations for peace proceed; or let the conferences come to an end, and the war be carried on till by some decided success one or other party cries halt.

The whole of this pursuit after peace at any price is most damaging to the cause in which we are engaged, as well as to the interests of the country, both at home and abroad. It is dictated by an anti-British spirit, and by means of it the cause of the enemy is advanced, the vacillation of the hesitating increased, and the strength of our alliances weakened. Such a course of conduct is censurable in all who have regard for their country; and those who push forward this desire of peace in our present circumstances show their sordid selfishness and their obstinate opinionativeness to be superior to love for their country, and deserve the highest reprobation. The school of Bright & Co. may escape the highest blame, because their opposition to the war has been uniform and consistent; but no censure is too strong both for those men whose neglect allowed us to drift into war, and who actually felt the obligation of entering on this contest,-and for those who, in order to escape the responsibilities of their incapacity, would wish to get out of the difficulty anyhow. We suspect that Gladstone & Co. have only now shewn their true colors; and that, while in the Cabinet, they held the very same opinions as they now boldly aver, but dared not declare them to the country. Fortunate indeed is it that we have escaped their rule; but not much better will it be if the same part is being enacted by their successors. If not by all, it is evident from recent occurrences and sundry rumours, that by some of the Cabinet these sentiments are held.

From whatever cause resulting, there is still a sad inertia in our warlike operations. How then can there be vigor when every thing seems to be thwarted by the indecision and vacillation which prevails at headquarters? There is disagreement both within the Ministry and among its supporters without. Obstructions to energetic action are not sought to be removed, nor is its vigorous promotion regarded; but every straw is eagerly caught at which seems to open the way to getting out of the state of warfare. There is now no concealment that peace is their object; but dishonest is the part which the Government is playing in not daring to avow to the country this desire to end the war, but endeavouring to accomplish this purpose so distasteful to the country by a tortuous course of action.

Much of the blame of our adversities as may be attributable to system, routine, &c., we have no hesitation in laying nearly all the ills of the present juncture directly at the door of the late and the present administrations. It is their supineness and indecision, as well as thorough incapacity for the occasion, which has been the real cause of our sad embarassment. They have not only not anticipated the most ordinary occurrences-that might be the result of a want of common foresight not given to all men--but they have actually thwarted nearly every means of energetically bringing the contest to an issue,-from what cause arising we venture not to indicate. Neither the late nor the present ministry has ever given to the war that attention, that energy, that devotion of services and talent which they have given to any favorite political measure. But the secret germ of the mischief with the Palmerston as with the Aberdeen Ministry, lies in the smothering of opinion, the destruction of party government, and the advent of coalition rule. For illustration of this, reference may be made to the history of abortive measures of the Aberdeen reign, without parallel in the history of Cabinets; and recently to the divided state of the Palmerston Ministry on the Church-rate and the Ballot questions, and above all others, in the different tone of the supporters in the recent war debate. With such a combination there can be no unity of principle, no unanimity of opinion. Every measure must be more or less an open question, and the war question has shared the fate of the rest. To this fatal cause, influencing all our actions, must be attributed our disasters. There is no denial that the war question was in the Aberdeen Cabinet an open question, or rather that on this they were knowingly divided, and that such is the state of things in the Cabinet of Lord Palmerston is notorious.

It has been long the principle of Government in Britain, that on all questions of importance there should be agreement in the Cabinet, that none should be an open question, but that the policy of all the members should be unanimous. Now, without doubt, the war question is the important, nay, almost the only question of the day, a fortiori the necessity is urgent that the ministry should be united regarding it. Because they are so divided, is the reason why no distinct declaration of policy can be extracted from them, and consequently the war is conducted only from hand to mouth, and not properly managed. Such a course of conduct is unparalleled,—is unjust and ruinous to the whole of our admin istrative functions. But no stronger proof can be found of the danger to our constitution which has been already effected by the abandonment of party government and the advent of coalition misrule, than the apathy and want of power which is shewn by the Houses of Parliament, and especially the House of Commons,-and this acts again on the whole body of the people. Till the country is roused, and through it their representatives, and a party ministry assumes the reins, there will never be a strong government, nor one fitted to manage and bring to an issue the serious contest in which we are engaged, through the mismanagement of which we now complain.

The peace party, by their constant clamor for peace, not only injure the prosecution of the war, but defer the prospect of any peace. By

weakening our efforts, it strengthens those of our opponent, and holds out a double encouragement to him to increase his demands and diminish his concessions. If it tends thus to the prolongation of the contest as regards Russia, no less will it give Austria good cause for not taking an active part. She, the grand mediator, will point triumphantly to the party in this country who have declared that Russia's terms should have been accepted. It was the fond hope of most parties that the ground of Austria's present position was being gradually narrowed, and that she must soon declare on the side of the Western Powers. We never participated in these delusive dreams, but have ever maintained that the Court of Vienna would carry on throughout a scheming neutrality or arbitration,-by whichever name it is chosen to be designated. Unless some unforeseen event should hurry them into warfare, their purpose is and has been from the commencement, to abstain from warlike interference; and how adroitly they have managed up to this very day. They take care not to drift into war. Is that power one whit more advanced towards action than it was at any time? Austria has chosen her policy, and she will preserve it with firm determination. How can it be expected that the Court of Vienna, to whom has been assigned the part of arbiter between the belligerents, can or will join either side? That Court is astute enough to discover no cause of fear of an attack by Russia, and the necessity of playing her game with seeming fairness with the Western Powers. With their policy, their knowledge, their position, and finally, the danger to which her dominion is exposed once the sword is drawn, it can be no matter of astonishment that Austria remains inmoveable. Had Austria and Prussia taken the side of the Western Powers at the beginning of the struggle,—and had it not been bungled they would have done so,-the war would never have gone on, or at any rate peace would before this time have taken place. But once having taken up the position which she has done, Austria must maintain it as long as she can. It would be madness in that State to act otherwise, when she receives no encouragement from our government, but, on the contrary, is allowed to go on with her mediation, and further is told that the terms offered by Russia, when in conjunction with the Allies, should not have been rejected.

We have already frequently expressed our opinion with regard to Austria, and that she would never take an active part. Our dread of the adverse influence on the direction of the war, is greatly increased since the late conference. Her mediating power is evidently more regarded, and while the constant traffic in negotiations is permitted, no satisfactory result in the war can be expected, at least, the success which we hope may not be far distant, will be in spite of this course of policy.

We said at the first, that the surest way to preserve peace was to be thoroughly prepared for war,-and we say now, that the most likely way to obtain a return of peace is to carry on the war energetically, manfully, and unitedly. The war was declared with a singular unanimity of the people, the same spirit animates all classes for its vigorous prosecution. Till Russia is humbled, the object of the war-an honourable and likely to be enduring peace-will not be attained.

LITERARY NOTICE.

The Confession of Faith; the Larger and Shorter Catechisms, with the Scripture proofs at large: together with the Sum of Saving Knowledge, &c., &c. Printed by authority, at the University Press, for Robert Seton, George Street, Edinburgh, and Whittaker & Co. London.

1855.

It is very often the case that religious books appear in the humblest of forms. Perhaps this says something for their popularity among the lower classes, but it says little for their circulation among the rich. We regard it as a good sign when we see such a magnificent volume proceeding from the press as the one now before us. We happen to have considerable reverence for the Confession of Faith, and for the men who penned it, and it was always with sorrow that we beheld the words of this noble monument of presbyterian orthodoxy, as if unworthy more generous treatment, screwed into the smallest bulk, and consigned with the dimmest of types to the vilest of paper, while the most ephemeral and insignificant productions rejoiced in the finest binding and the costliest printing. We owe thanks to Mr Seton for having removed this anomaly from our literature, and for having presented us with the Confession and accompanying documents in a type unsurpassable for clearness, and on paper which might do honour to a private subscription copy. We have heard of some person who read through his Euclid once a month, and of another whose whole life-time was occupied in reading Walter Scott's novels. We suspect such men must have had copies of more inviting aspect than that in which these worthies generally present themselves. We ourselves at least have often thrown away a book as worthless, which we were surprised to find, on making its acquaintance a second time in more decent apparel, was not only a respectable but a most excellent and worthy book. Our national standards of course need no such adventitious recommendation. But every man who knows and values their excellence will do himself and them an honour by procuring them in a shape worthy of them, and a shape which will make their perusal delightful as well as beneficial. We have the utmost pleasure in bearing such testimony to the beauty and completeness of this edition of Mr Seton's, for we have seen none like it, nor, we can confidently affirm, has any one comparable to it yet appeared; and we have resolved that the miserable edition of 1845, which has been the cause of much straining to our eyes since ever it was ours, -for we read our Confession more than once in a life-time-shall be so no longer. In addition to the Catechisms, the beautiful introductory epistles, directories, &c., this edition has the advantage of giving proofs in full, in a beautifully large type, and the copy we have before us has been delightfully stained as to its edges red,”—a form which peculiarly recommends it to our antiquarian taste.

66

ECCLESIASTICAL INTELLIGENCE.

Presentation.-The Queen has appointed the Rev. Dr Stevenson to the parish of Ladykirk, in the Presbytery of Chirnside.

Appointment.-The Queen has appointed the Rev. J. Cruden, of Tyrie, to the parish of Gamrie, in the Presbytery of Turriff.

Appointment. The Queen has been pleased to constitute and appoint the Right Honourable Robert Montgomery, Lord Belhaven, to be Her Majesty's High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland.

Chaplains to the East.-The Rev. Mr M'Nair of Gourock, has been appointed one of the Chaplains at Scutari, in connection with the Established Glasgow Mission, and will leave immediately.

University Degrees.-The Senatus Academicus of Marischal College, Aberdeen, conferred the degree of LL.D. on Sheriff Barclay, Esq. At the same time, the degree of LL.D. was conferred on the Rev. James A. Wyllie, Edinburgh, Author of "The Modern Judea, compared with Ancient Prophecy," &c.