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this they stated, that there bad charged from that attention. They
economy, of the state are inThe mover of the bill, and volved) was to be considered as a those who supported him, in an- personal estate, and as mere priiwer to what had been advanced, vaie property, whilst parliament of the impropriety and injustice of was wholly incompetent to the sun interference or punishment, with perintendence and controul of the our previous proof of the abuse, 'expenditure. This doctrine, said drew a line of distinction between Mr. Burke, is not even toryism. the judicial and legillative capacity It is the abstract principle of jaof parliament. In the former, cobitism itself. The tory scheme they were undoubtedly to proceed, indeed holds monarchy high, not in all cases, upon legal evidence. only as the perfection of governla che latter, they were totally dif- meat, but as the sole mode of it
which can poffibly be good; and by false and pretended friends, as therefore it prefers the very de. claiming an inhereni, self-created Sporism and tyranny of kings, to original, and a divine right, in the any plan, or any administration of voluntary grants of that people for a commonwealth. But this doc. whole good we received it, and for trine, grossly erroneous as it is, whose good it may be relomed? still proceeds upon principles of This is the highest pionacie of government, and upon grounds of despotism ; nor can it ever risc public good. But jacobicilm, lup higher. It is establishing that odious poses the administration of the and detestable principle, which exftate a matter of private property, perience has already shewn to be toto be held and tranmitted as an ally subversive of all that is gederyheritance; and the unhappy ad. ous, liberal, great, noble, or excelherents to that cause, always ar. lent, in the human nature and chagued it as a descent of an estate, racter, namely, that the people are according to the rules and maxims made for kings, instead of their beof private jurisprudence. But if ing made for the people. this principle of jacobitism be ab. The opposition were exceedingly furd with regard to government vehement, and seemed to bear every itself, it must be equally abfurd thing before them, on this ground. with regard to any revenue pof. Indeed, almost all the eloquence, feffed by government. Correctly powers of argument, and force of speaking, government as such, can language, on that side of the have no property. The whole is house, were particularly directed a truft. But the property of the to it. The boldeft of the ministesubject is no trust. It is that, for rial phalanx, they said, had Mrunk the security of which truits were back, and were afraid to meet the made; and this truft of govern queftion, when every endeavour ment, and all its revenue, among was ufed to bring it fairly and the rett. Property was not made nakedly into discussion ; and yet
by government, but government they now venture coverely to adopt · by and for it. The one is pric and support the principle. Mr. Fox
mary and felf.exiftent; the other exclaimed, with his usual fervor is secondary and derivative. He and animation, Good God! had he contended therefore, that all such been asleep? how bad he beea lolt estates being trufts, it makes very to himself? to what little purpole little difference, whether they are had his education, his knowledge, for years, or life, or hereditary. and his experience, been attained, It alters their tenure, but not their if it was a doctrine established in nature. They are all objects of that house, that the king was to public cognizance, whenever they he uncontrouled in his civil lill! become abusive or inconvenient Did men know what they were enough to call for inspection and afferting, when they held fuch lanTeformation,
guage? Were they fo blind as And shall the servant, the crea. really to see no danger in it? ture of the people, said they, be Were they so ignorant, or lo torepresented by treasonable subjects, tally loft to the will of others, as
to maintain a doctrine which went unknown in the history of any to the dissolurion of the compact other mother country under the between the king and the people? fun, when we employed no more Did not the very nature of the than two secretaries of lare; and truit delegated to the sovereign, that, every feature in that pic. render his accounts subject to the ture of complete human feli. inspection of parliament? Had city was instantly reversed upon not such inspection been the uni. the appointment of a third. form practice of parliament? How Through that appointment, we fared it with James the Second ? not only loit those very colonies, Was not that unhappy king, who but they were converted into our preferred a wretched pension from bitter enemies; along with the lofs the crown of France, to the go. of our colonies and commerce, we verdment of a great empire acco:d- had fuffered such degrees of dif. ing to its laws and constitution, de grace and degradation, in the eyes prived of his whole revenue by of all Europe, as this country parliament?
never. before experienced; and The opposition forther urged, through the same cause, we were chat the hiltorical facts fated on plunged in the present contest with the other fide, to few that an our powerful and hereditary eneoffice similar to that now in quellion mies, which tended to our inhad formerly exifted, was nothing evitable ruin. Was anything more, they said, to the purpose, more necessary to fhew, that this than the bringing of proofs which office was at leat totally useless ; were not intended, that the use, and that if not originally mis. lefsness of the office being disco. Chievous in its nature, it had how. vered upon trial, it was therefore ever proved fatally ruinous in its discontinued. It would be a mat. effe&? ter of little consequence now, that They concluded by observing, a dozen secretaries had been em- that it would appear to a stranger, ployed through the folly or caprice from the arguments used by the of any of our ancient princes; friends of administration, thac they if chat fort of argument went to were endeavouring to deprive the any thing, it would be to the king of the inoney allotted for his terival of all the useless and dan- privy puríe, or to curtail the gerous offices, which the wisdom means of his perfinal pleasures, of pal kings, or the integrity of amusements, or satisfaction. Could former parliaments, had been ap- any person be so blind as not to plied to abolish. The point be.. fee, or any member of that house fore the comınittee, was merely so ignorant as not to know, that the question of utility, or inutility, the objects were totally different ? with respect to that office. It That the proposed reform went to would be fufficient to observe on that great part of the civil lift esta. Chiat lubject, that this country had blishment, which being dedicated talled itself to the highest pitch of 'to public purposes, was conse. power and national glory, and that quently liable to public reform; ber colonies had risen to a degree and in which the sovereign acting of wcalch, power, and population, only' as trustee for the people,
could have no other personal iote- treason to royalty, even to suppofs seft, than that which was so con. that the sovereiga would not wile stantly denied, of supporting an liogly participate in the evil, as undue and corrupt influence. But well as in the good fortune of his at any rate, that revenue, like all people. Was it possible that those others, must be affected by the sycophants, those false, pretended exigencies of the times, and pro- friends, who held out that docportioned to the ability of ihe trine, and would represent the king public, by which it was granted as not withing to lighten the burand paid. It would be too ridi. thens, or relieve the distresses of his culous to suppose otherwise. At subjects, were ignorant of the inthe acceflion of his majesty, when curable wound which they would a large revenue was granted to him thereby inflict on the royal name. for life, the nation was great, and character ? fourishing, and glorious beyond At a quarter before three o'clock example. The liberality of the in the morning, the committee digrant, was suited to the felicity of vided, when the office of third sethe time. The smalleit notice was cretary of state was preserved by not then given, of the fatal de- a majority of seven only; the figos which were in embrio, or of numbers being 201, in support of the ruinous measures that were to the clause of reform, to 208, hy be pursued. It was so impoffible whom it was opposed. Such was to have foreseen the subsequent the issue, of one of the longest and public losses and calamities of his hardest fought days, that perhaps reign, that they could not have ever was known in an Englih been conceived even in thought. House of Commons; nor was the The loss of America, and of our labour greater than the ability, West India isiands, was never sug- or than the parliamentary fill and geited, even in a dream, to ihe generallhip displayed on both sides. wildest vjonary. That great re. The ministers finding the torrent venue muit partake of the nature firong against them within and of all human establishments. The without doors, rather opposed their superstructure can have no greater adversaries indirecily, and with efitability, than the foundation on forts to gain time, than with many which it was raised. Even sup- arguments to the abstract state of posing, what can never be admit- the question ; and in this point ted, that the granters had no they shewed great patience and power of revocation or recal, ftill dexterity. They even took advanthe revenue must depend upon tage from their present weakness. their ability to pay it. To sup- The low ftate of the minister's mapose that the establishments of the jorities, was brought as an argu. sovereign would not be affected by ment to prove that the influence the public distresses and calamities, of the crown was not increased; by the loss of dominion, and the and one gentleman in office threw subtraction of wealth and power out, that if the noble lord was from the state, was such an absur- not better supported, it would be dity as not to deserve answer or in vain for him to attempt any notice. It was scarcely less than longer to carry on the public
business. On the other side, the ‘of the board of trade; and this present state of divifions was attri- pofition he supported with combuted to the temper and sense of the parisons of affairs, times, anecdotes people without doors; and they uni- of persons, and with references to versally and heartily subscribed to the council books, which gave great the latter proposition.
liveliness and interest to this de. The abolition of the board of bate. trade, was the next clause of Mr. The question was not called, up
o March 13th.
Burke's bill which til a quarter past two o'clock in the 13th. came under the con- morning; when the clause for abofideration of the committee. The lithing the board of trade was care great obje&t of debate was, on one ried in the affirmative by a majo. lide to sew its utility, and on the rity of eight; the numbers being, other, to prove it totally inefficient, in support of the question 207, useless, and when at any time ac- to 199 who voted for the sup. tive, either mischievous or ridicu- port and continuance of the esta. lous, but of late dwindled into a blishment. mere finecure office, which answer- Such was the first of the great ed no other purpose whatever, than defeats received by administration, that of providing eight members and which so much distinguished for that house, and securing their the present session from all others of Fotes and services to the minister, late years. A defeat of such a na. at an income or pension of a thou- ture, as would in any other period fand pounds a year each. The first have proved fatal to any admini. ground was taken up very much ftration. Some members of the at large, with a very laborious de- opposition, endeavoured to persuade tail, and great knowledge of the the lords of trade to withdraw behistory of the office, by a gentle sore the division; on the ground of man who fat at that board. The indecency, in their voting on a quer. opposite ground was taken by the tion in which they were so immeframer of the bill; who befides diately and personally concerned. supporting it with his usual strength If this had been agreed to, it would of argument, threw out such an in- have about doubled their majority. finity of wit, fatire, and ridicule But the question was too trying, upon the subject, as to excite a very and the season too critical, to make unusual degree of pleasantry in the such a sacrifice to delicacy or punc. house. The main line of his ar. tilio; and the conduct of the Amegument was to thew, that when the rican secretary, on the late division bufirief of trade and plantations in his own care, was a sufficient prebad been managed by a committee cedent for the present, to keep the of council without salaries, it had refusal in countenance. been attended by persons of greater It was in this debate first discop rank, weight, and ability, and that vered, or at least first publicly known, bufiness of far more difficulty and that the speaker, and administradelicacy was better dispatched, and tion, were not upon good terms. with more expedition and satisfac- Mr. Fox having called on the speaktion, thao Gnce the appointment er, for his private opinion as a Vol. XXIII.