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memoirs of their adventures, which have beeh followed by La Croze. They embarked for Syria, whence they pursued their route to India by the way of Aleppo and Bagdad; while Hyacinthe and Marcel went by way of Portugal.

These Carmelites arrived at Surat about the end of the year 1656: but as the Jesuits believed themselves the lawful masters of all India, they refused to admit missionaries of any other order into any of their possessions. The Carmelites were, therefore, compelled to apply to the Dutch, who were then in possession of a considerable tract upon the coast, for passports; which they obtained, and the labours of their mission began accordingly. About the beginning of the year 1657 they arrived at Cananor; and thence progeeded to Calicut, where they were advised to travel by water to Cochin.

When they arrived at Palur, the Casanar, who was Rector of that place, concealed himself to avoid them. The interpreter of the missionaries having found and addressed him on their behalf, he came, and received them with much coldness. Soon after, he became less reserved, and informed them of the whole state of things, and the disposition of the people. At parting, he gave them a Letter to the Arch

deacon, who resided at Rapolino, advising them not to pass over the territories of the Portuguese.

After a voyage of a day and a half they arrived at Rapolino, and immediately despatched their interpreter with the Letter to the Archdeacon, in which he was informed of the arri val and powers of the missionaries. This news very much displeased the Archdeacon, who immediately assembled his assistants, and passed a resolution that the missionaries should by no means be admitted into the Churches. They obtained, however, a conference; and began to treat on matters relative to a re-union of the Syrian Church with that of Rome, which they now found as widely separated as it had been before the time of Menezes.

The Christians, during the domination of the Jesuits, had several times sent complaints to Rome: but, at length, growing weary of the delays of that Court, which had always favoured the Jesuits, they wrote to their own Patriarch, to that of the Copts in Egypt, and to that of the Jacobites in Syria, requesting a Bishop.

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Soon after this, one Attalla* arrived in India, who had probably been sent thither by the Patriarch of Babylon. On his reaching Surat, he disclosed the business of his mission to some

*It does not appear very clearly who this Attalla was.

The Romish Missionary affirms, (La Croze, p. 358) that he was sent by the Patriarch of the Copts into India; and that he was originally Bishop of the Jacobites, in Damascus; but being deposed by the Patriarch of that Communion for bad conduct, he fled to the Patriarch of Alexandria for protection. The Letter arriving from India about this time, that Prelate proposed the Mission into India to Attalla; who, being well versed in the Syriac language, and held in great detéstation by the people of Syria, gladly embraced the opportunity of once more ascending the Episcopal Chair. The Patriarch of the Copts sent him first to Mosul, according to the same writer, in order to have his claims ratified by the Patriarch of that place: which being done, he immediately set out for India.

There is much to be suspected in this statement; for it does not appear, from any Authentic documents from the Christians in India, that Attalla was a Jacobite: on the contrary, in the enumeration of the Jacobite Bishops, the name of Attalla does not appear, as Asseman (Tom. III, pt. ii. p. 461) has shown. Again, there was no necessity that the Patriarch of Alexandria should have sent this Attalla to Mosul, for the recommendation of the Nestorian Patriarch; as his own, from the request he had received, would have been sufficient. It is still less probable that the Patriarch of Babylon would have recommended a Jacobite whom he considered as a heretic; not to mention the disgrace under which Attalla must have then laboured,

The more probable supposition is that adopted by La Croze (p. 462); namely, that he was sent immediately from Mosul. The supposition of Asseman, that he had as sumed the title of Bishop, is unfounded; and was probably hazarded in order to give a colourable pretext to the unjust and cruel proceedings of the Jesuits toward that unfortunate person.

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The news of the seizure of Attalla came to the ears of the Christians, notwithstanding every precaution had been taken for its concealment; and a meeting was held at Diamper, in order to deliberate on the steps which should be taken for his release. The greater part proposed submission to the Jesuit Prelate; and that an invitation should be sent, requesting him to come and receive their submission. The Jesuit was, however, too much hackneyed in the ways of men to be entrapped by so simple an expedient; and, therefore, did not make his appearance. The Christians, finding their project had failed, took arms to the number of about five thousand, and followed their Archdeacon as far as Matanger, which is about a quarter of a league from Cochin. The Portuguese seeing this, shut their gates, and mounted their artillery upon the walls; resolving to go to extremities rather than suffer the Christians to see their Prelate, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the Queen of Cochin in their favour. This inflamed the resentment of the Christians to the greatest possible degree. They determined to drive every Jesuit out of their territories; and in future to submit to no one but their own Archdea

con.

Some time after this, two other as semblies were held by the Christians; one at Rapolino, the other at Mangate. In that at Mangate, the Archdeacon was, as before noticed, consecrated Bishop by twelve Casanars, after which he exercised Episcopal Functions. The Inquisition at Goa hearing of this, wrote several Letters to the Archdeacon, reprobating the proceeding, and urging him to submit to the Catholic Church. The tyranny, however, under which they had so long laboured, added to the account of the death of Attalla, which they had lately received, and the sweets of liberty which

they began to experience, determined the Archdeacon and his people to trust. the Portuguese no more.

The Jesuits, on the other hand, were determined to thwart the proceedings of the Carmelites in every possible way, rather than allow any participation of power to them in the 'Church of St. Thomas.

Thus the ambition of the Catholics, which had first succeeded in dividing and ruining the Syrian Churches, ceded in its turn to a division of its own strength, which probably afforded the first ray of liberty to this persecuted people.

The Archdeacon, on re-establishing the ancient customs and government of the Church, chose four Casanars for his Council; to whom he added one Diez, a Portuguese, having first ordained him Priest, and made him his Confessor, Counsellor, Secretary, and Interpreter. These, it should seem, advised the Archdeacon to submit to a second Ordination, as it is probable some doubts remained on the minds of the people, as to the lawfulness of the first. Diez was, therefore, despatched to the Carmelites, to inform them that the Archdeacon wished a second Ordination; and to inquire which of them was a Bishop, who might accede to his request. It was replied, that neither of them was a Bishop; and that the Archdeacon had no other path to pursue, than that of submitting to the Jesuit Prelate. This was, of course, objected to, and nothing further was done.

The Missionaries, finding that they could effect nothing alone, thought it advisable to solicit the assistance of the Portuguese; and, for this purpose, Father Vincent repaired to Cochin, and laid his Briefs before the heads of the Romish Church.

The declining state of the Portugese power in India, added to the necessity of conciliating the Christians, was, perhaps, the only circumstance that gave authenticity to the Briefs of the Missionary, which, under other circumstances, would probably have been found defective. On examining them, Francisco de Mello, one of the triumvirate that had succeeded to the

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The Missionary having succeeded in his application to the Portuguese, returned to Rapolino, in order to join his associate, who, it appears, had left that place some time before, after finding it impossible to do any thing with the Archdeacon. The Missionaries, at length, met at Corolongate; where, as well as at Carturtè, they were well received.

The Christians of St. Thomas are said to be divided into two parties: that of the North, and that of the South; and, beside the Archdeacon, on whom they are generally dependent, they acknowledge some person as head of their respective Churches.

At this time the Rector of Mangate was considered as chief of the North; and that of Corolongate, of the South. The latter was a man of considerable wealth and influence; and, being at tached to the Roman Communion, drew many people over to the side of the Missionaries. This very much irritated the Archdeacon, who, in order to arrest the evil as early as possible, wrote a Circular Letter to the Churches, in which he warned them to beware of the pretended Carinel ites, who were in reality nothing more than Jesuits in disguise, charged with Letters fabricated at Goa; and were come merely to bring the Christians under the ancient yoke, from which they had so lately extricated themselves. These Letters were read on the Sunday following, in all the Churches; and gave great offence to the Casanars of Corolongate, who informed the Missionaries of the circumstance, and, moreover, wrote to the Archdeacon, objecting to the falsehood of his assertions, as very incompatible with the cause of God, which

he would appear to defend. This re monstrance lowered, in some degree, the tone of the Archdeacon; who declared himself still willing to submit to the Carmelites, provided his own dignity and the honour of his people should remain inviolate.

The Carmelites, on hearing this, imagined something was gained; and immediately proposed that the Archdeacon should abdicate his dignity, and acknowledge his fault in public; after which they would conduct him to Rome, or place him under the protection of the Portuguese at Cochin or Goa; knowing, as they did, that, as soon as the Pope should hear of his repentance, he would be restored to the legitimate exercise of his power. This proposal was not so judicious as might have been expected, especially as the death of Attalla was still fresh in the, minds of the Christians; and accordingly it broke off all further hope of reconciliation, and put an end to the conference. Still the Missionaries persevered in the less hostile Church of Corolongate, and actually added many to their party.

This success of the Missionaries was very agreeable to the Portuguese; as an increase of subjects was not now desirable only, but absolutely necessary. The whole choir was, on this occasion, sent from Cochin for the celebration of Mass; an honour hitherto conferred on none but Menezes. After the service, a great number of indulgences were gratuitously distributed among the people.

After this Father Vincent repaired to Cochin, in order to consult with the Commissary of the Inquisition, on the method to be adopted for the reduction of the Christians of the North. It was determined that he should immediately proceed to Angamale and Mangate, to bring over, if possible, the Rectors of those Churches. After some reflection, however, it was deemed expedient to defer the journey to some more convenient period; as the popularity of the Archdeacon in those Churches, rendered the journey, at present, dangerous.

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The Missionary having returned to Corolongate, received a visit from the

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From Corolongate, Letters were despatched to the Rector of Mangate, from whom favourable answers were soon received; accompanied by an invitation to the Missionaries, to come and-visit his Church. This request was immediately complied with; and accordingly, the Casanars of Cinotta, Angamale, Paru, and Cagnur, were, in a short time, assembled in the Church of Mangate. In this assembly, the deposition of the Archdeacon was proposed; to which the people manifested no great objection, as they were inflexible in only one particular, namely, in never again being in subjection to the Jesuit Prelate; but were willing to submit to the Missionaries till a Prelate should be sent from Rome.

The circumstance soon came to the ears of the Jesuits, who had looked with no friendly eye on the successes of the Carmelites. On the return of Father Vincent to Cochin, he found an order, apparently sent from the King of Portugal, suspending their Missionary Functions, and commanding them to retire. This threw the Missionaries and their friends into consternation, but as the exigencies of the times demanded the labours of the Missionaries, the Governor, in council, determined that they should proceed; requiring only that they should sign a paper, in which they were bound not to meddle with the jurisdiction which belonged solely to the King of Portugal.

The Missionaries, in consequence, re-assumed their operations with new vigour; but were checked, in some degree, by another effort of the Je

suits.

The Prelate of the Jesuits had written to the Missionaries, recommending his own interests very strongly, and the Carmelites, perhaps thinking it prudent to pacify as much as possi

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hle this Ecclesiastic, answered, that as soon as they should procure deposition of the Archdeacon, they would attend wholly to his commands. The Jesuit Prelate, willing to hazard every thing to ruin the reputation of the Carmelites, showed this letter to some of the Christians, who immediately communicated the secret to the rest; who, of course, armed themselves with new resolutions and precautions against the attempts of both. The Jesuit, finding this succeed, followed up the plan. For this purpose, having selected a Casanar of his suite, he despatched him with Letters to the Missionaries, offering them his service; and, by other things, plainly showed the Jesuits and Missionaries to have a perfect understanding. The Casanar, perhaps in obedience to hist instructions, showed these Letters to some of the Christians, at the same time reproaching them, that they had not received the Missionaries with a respect due to persons for whom his Master had so great a regard. The Missionaries perceiving the objects of the Prelate, refused to receive the Letters, requesting him not to act in future in a way so detrimental to the reunion of the Churches. This served only to irritate the Prelate; who, in order to avenge himself on the Missionaries, published several extracts from the Briefs of the Carmelites, in which the interests of his Society appeared to be supported. Some time after this he published a Letter at Cochin, which had been written by a member of the Jesuits Society in Europe, wherein it appeared that the Carmelites had been nominated to their Mission by the General of the Jesuits; adding, that although the Missionaries were compelled to dissimulate at first, it would eventually appear that they were favourable to this Society.

These proceedings, as they weakened the cause of Rome, strengthened the hands of the Archdeacon; and of them, it should seem, he did not fail to make due use. On the other hand, the Missionaries, fatigued with the resistance of the Christians, and embarrassed by the intrigues of the Jesuits,

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began to think of retiring from laboura which promised so little success." In the mean time, however, they receiv.

ed Letters from the Tribunal of the Inquisition, urging them to proceed in their pious warfare, and thanking them for the perseverance which they had already manifested; adding, that the Government was perfectly satisfied with their proceedings."

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The Missionaries, on the receipt of these Letters, applied themselves vigorously to their work. The Archdeacon, on his part, consented that a general assembly of the people should be summoned at Rapolino, which was fixed for the fourth Sunday after Easter, A. D. 1657.

In the mean time the Archdeacon applied himself zealously to secure the affections of the people, both by his own preaching, and that of his friend Iti Thomas. "What need," said he, in one of his discourses, have we of the interference of the Portuguese, who have governed ourselves during so many ages? The union obtained by Menezes, you all very well know, was obtained by force rather than consent: nor is there any advantage to be acquired from the union with a Church inferior to our own, both as it respects antiquity and conformity to the Canons. The liberty, moreover, which you have so lately acquired, must again be sacriEced to the tyranny of the Jesuits; together with the faith which you have received from the hands of the Apostles." This discourse, which the Italian Historian calls blasphemy, had a great effect on the minds of the peo ple, and rekindled their latent attachment to their ancient Faith and Patriarch.

The day fixed for the assembly be ing arrived, the Missionaries proceeded to Rapolino, where not so much as one person came to meet them. Their adherents, nevertheless, advised them to be of good cheer; and to defer the meeting of the assembly till such time as a sufficient number of Ecclesiastics and Laymen could be brought toge ther.

(To be continued.)

.

FOR THE CHRISTIAN JOURNAL.

Explanation of the Word "Co'lect."

THE customary explanations of this word seem to be unsatisfactory. Those Collects which are prefixed to the Epistles and Gospels are commonly said to be called Collects, because the subject matter is derived or collected from the portions of Scripture with which they are used. And there is frequently, perhaps generally, a visible connexion between the Collect, and the Epistle, or Gospel, or both. But frequently, also, there appears to be no such connexion. Vide 3d Sunday in Lent, 5th Sunday in Lent, 1st Sunday after Trinity, 5th Sunday after Trinity, and many of the Sundays from Trinity to Advent. Perhaps there are not more than half the Sunday services in the whole year in which there appears to be any more than a general connexion between the Collect and the subjoined selections; that is, such a general connexion as may be supposed to exist between almost any pious petition of a compre hensive nature, and almost any judicious and edifying selection from the New Testament. The above reason, therefore, which is commonly given, does not seem to be satisfactory, even for the name of the annual Collects: but if it were, still, why are the daily collects, viz. "For Peace," "For Grace," and "For Aid against Perils;" why are they called Collects? what are they collected from? Perhaps it will be said, that the minister, in these prayers, collects or embodies the prayers of the Church, which were before uttered in broken Versicles and Responses. But if so, why are these called Collects, in distinction from the subsequent forms in Morning and Evening Prayer, to which, surely, this reason is equally applica ble? And, besides, is it rational to deduce this peculiar term from two so various sources? Is one prayer called a Collect for one reason, and another called so for an entirely distinct reason, having no relation whatever to the former?

It may be so, undoubtedly; but is it probable? Ja it not more probable

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