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ON AFFAIRS IN GENERAL.-LETTER II.

St. Giles's, London, April 16, 1834.

DEAR ANTHONY

The Easter holidays have come to an end, and we are in the midst of business. Events come thick and fast upon us, all shewing the progress and effects of liberalism, which we of the old school prophecied from the commencement, and were denounced as bigoted enemies of improvement, for our pains. "There's villainous news abroad" (this is a quotation from Shakspeare) and at home too, saving the hard knocks, which we have not come to just yet; but abroad and at home, the evil thing proceeds from the same source, namely, the loosening and confounding of all principles and habits of deference to constituted authorities and established rights—or, in one word, liberalism.

The newspapers, out of courtesy I suppose to strangers, generally give precedence to the consideration of foreign affairs; I shall follow their example, while I notice with contemptuous brevity the disastrous and disgraceful affairs which have lately taken place in the liberalized parts of the Continent;-and first, for Belgium, that land once famed for industry, and often the theatre of noble warfare, but now the wretchedest and most worth less of little states. Over that kingdom more especially, hath the genius of liberalism spread his dark, bloodspotted wings, and under the shadow thereof has grown up every thing execrable and loathsome, that can make a paltry state abhorred as well as despised. While Belgium belonged to the kingdom of the Netherlands, the Belgians borrowed some claims to respectability from the honest, steadfast, Protestant people, with whom they were politically connected; but liberalism finding its rapid way from France, soon worked upon the inherent baseness of the people ;-they revolted, and, by the suddenness of the act, were for the moment successful. Soon would they have been scourged back into obedience by the Dutch, but the four millions of Belgians screamed out for assistance against two millions

of Dutch, for, though liberals, they were cowards, and though they could murder and plunder in Brussels, they did not dare to fight in the open field. The liberal governments of England and France gave them assistance and a king, and the paltry wretches who pretended to such nationality and magnanimity, accepted both with crouching thankfulness.

According to the proverb, one should give to the devil his due, and a fortiori to the Whigs. To give them their due, then, they showed discrimination in sending the Belgians a king so worthy of them as Leopold the Mean. One is sorry to have to say this of the brother of the Duchess of Kent, a princess of whose admirable conduct it would be difficult to speak too favourably, but it is necessary to tell the truth. Leopold's conduct in selling the horses belonging to the private stud of the prince of Orange, which, not even by the chance of war, but by the forced assent of a revolted rabble to his sovereignty, happened to fall into his possession, is certainly one of the very shabbiest things that ever was heard of in a person calling himself a king. A man that could do such a thing ought to have been a pawn-broker, and not an honest pawnbroker either, but such an one as confiscates old breeches ere their time, and without due opportunity for redemption; sells for a shilling what he never advanced three pence upon. The nobility of Belgium; for even in Belgium some are still left; indignant at so mean a wrong, and anxious to repair it, subscribed to buy the horses, that they might be sent to their owner, and by this act of honesty and spirit, roused the spiteful rage of those whose petty larceny scoundrelism it rendered so conspicuous. The dwelling houses of the subscribers were attacked by the rabble-they were "gutted," and all the valuables within thein destroyed, through the meanest imaginable revenge; the king, Leopold himself, looking on, and consenting to, if not encouraging the destruction. It is impossible to conceive any thing more

base than the conduct of the liberal government has hitherto conquered, Belgians upon this occasion of tyran- but in order to do so, has been obliged nous outrage, unless we yield the to resort to the extremest tyranny, in so palm to the liberals of this country, much that at last in "liberated France" who have had the audacity even here the law decrees that twenty persons to defend such rascality, because for- may not associate together withcut an sooth the persons insulted and plunder- authority from the government! But ed had uniformly shewn themselves not even this, nor any other tyranny hostile to the Belgian mob. With of the law, however grinding, would these liberals there is to be no rule of be sufficient for the preservation of the right, but the will and pleasure of the authority of the government, were it multitude, however conspicuously base not accompanied by a military system and depraved. The natural fruit of so vast, and so rigorously enforced by this liberal system is seen in the conMarshal Soult, a man of sleepless tinued apprehension of disturbance energy, and who knows neither pity which reigns in Brussels. All persons nor hesitation, where an object is to who do not choose to be perpetually be accomplished by military means. domineered over by a reckless mob, The cannon and the grapeshot are and who can afford to quit Belgium, continually in readiness to sweep the will, of course, lose no time in leaving streets of Paris, and the leaders of that kingdom to its turbulent wretched- the emeute know that while Soult is at ness. Many of its most respectable the head of affairs, they will always be and wealthy citizens have already used as soon as they are found necesabandoned it, and the emigration of all sary to suppress revolt. But this canthat are worth retaining, will gradually not go on for ever; men of less vigibut speedily take place. lance, and less decisive habits, will have the affairs of government in their hands, and then the government will fall before the tumultuous rush of anarchy, from which, as usual, relief will be sought in despotism.

So much for liberalism in Belgium; let us now glance at its working in France. Within the past week about a thousand more people have been slaughtered in the streets of Paris and of Lyons, the two chief cities of France. Three hundred thousand troops of the line, and a million of national guards, cannot subdue the spirit of revolt which liberalism keeps alive: they can let blood flow through the gutters of the streets; they can kill with bullets and bayonets a thousand or so of the people every now and then, but they cannot do that which ought to be done by a generally acknowledged sense of duty-by a habit of reverence, derived from a combined feeling of religion, and of sober, common sense, which plainly teaches that for the sake of order and security, laws and civil government should be honestly instituted, and faithfully obeyed. The liberals, acknowledging no fixed principle of duty but the will of the majority for the time being (a thing hardly ever to be ascertained with accuracy) let loose all the elements of discord, and no military force can keep them permanently down. Every six months since the triumph of wild revolt in what they call the glorious days of July, have been marked in France by new explosions of the same spirit, and new out-pourings of blood. The

A few words now on affairs at home. Our trade is at present in a good state, compared with what it has been, though still suffering from our senseless admission of French manufactures—our revenue is better than could have been expected, but for the rest, there is nothing but present embarrassment and fear for the future. The government cannot help seeing that the liberalism, which partly in ignorance, but more in selfish recklessness, it encouraged at first, is getting too strong in its destructive power to be met by the ordinary course of law. A wise government would always mildly, but steadily oppose itself to popular demands irregularly and intemperately urged. This is necessary to keep up a just equilibrium of political forces in a state. But our government encouraged and applauded, they called for the irregular and intemperate expression of popular demands-the balance was thus lost, and in vain does the government, still feeble and insincere, attempt by underhand methods to recover it. The unions which they called into existence, or nursed into strength, they cannot now check, but

they go on in most perilous fear of them. The British government is at this moment in continual fear of a partial revolt of a tumultuary demonstration of that strength, which never would have existed but for the former

countenance of the government itself. The police (an immense body, and so dangerous to constitutional freedom, as scarcely to be endured in less critical times) is constantly on the watch, and every now and then we have the household troops under arms-nor are these precautions more than sufficient -thousands of unionists, in uniform, and in marching order, have their hebdomadel parade in the streets of London, choosing Sunday for the display, as most convenient for themselves, and most likely to attract general notice. The government appears afraid to oppose these proceedingsit is content with making preparations for dispersing or slaughtering, when

the last extremities are resorted to.

This is another feature of that humane political philosophy which is called liberality!"

66

With regard to further innovations upon existing institutions, it may be fairly presumed that our government, like that of France, would be willing to stop where it is, if it could-but how shall it resist the popular will to which it is pledged? How shall it shake off the revolutionary character

That

to which it owes its existence? ministers have made the discovery that they have been going too fast for the safety of the state, or the approbation of any but the mere mob, is now apparent. It was but this morning that Lord John Russell, when remarking in the House of Commons, on the circumstance of persons being disap. pointed of re-election to parliament, as soon as they vacated their seats by taking office under the crown, admitted that he supposed the electors thought the government was going too far with innovation, and therefore returned conservatives in preference. This is a strange avowal from a Whig minister -the very man, who at no very distant period, wrote letters of thanks to the mob unions for their support of ministers, and called the vote of the House of Lords, "the whisper of a faction."

The perplexity of the ministers, between their sense of the political im

prudence of proceeding with the revolutionary tide, and the impossibility of evading the rash pledges made to their revolutionary supporters, involves the course of their proceedings, and even the developement of their plans, in the most pitiable perplexity. Never was any thing heard in parliament more deplorably lame, confused, hesitating, and unintelligible than Lord Althorp's statement last night of the measure in contemplation, for a commutation of tithes in England. He floundered and apologized, and floundered again. Ignorant as he was of the subject as it stands, and unable to justify the meddling with it which he has undertaken, he talked incoherently, as one who

"now to sense, now to nonsense leaning, Means not, but blunders round about a meaning."

be

sorry

And the end is, that we are to know nothing distinct about the matter, until the bill is laid upon the table of the house, if even that shall prove intelligible, which I confess I much doubt. At present I am inclined to believe that the government tithe measure will not pass, and I suspect that if the government can get at all decently out of the matter, it will not if the bill do not pass. An adjustment of the tithe, and a commutation for a fixed payment, would be hailed with general satisfaction; but there is no such thing in this country as that ferocious spirit of resistance to the claims of the Established Church which exists in Ireland. I am of opinion that Mr. Goulburn's tithe commutation bill, if applied to England, would effect all that is necessary here, touching that matter; but the Whigs, though they know this, will not (except upon compulsion) adopt a plan which has experience to sanction its practicability. Experience is quite too common-place a teacher for these march-of-intellect men, and on they rush into theoretical absurdity which ever and anon produces disappoint

ment.

We are to have the poor laws amendment scheme on next, and heaven knows what besides, to keep us in work after the holydays-but of these I shall report in my next letter. Meanwhile I remain your's till death, and afterwards if possible,

TERENCE O'RUARK.

ACADEMICAL REFORM.

Our readers will remember that in the January number of the University Magazine, an article appeared under the above title, in which the great principles of University education were temperately, and we believe, fairly discussed. It is not our intention at present to return at any length to the important subject treated of in that essay; but we wish to lay before our readers two letters on the subject

which we have since received. We had imagined that there was but little in our former article to draw forth the indignation of any one. It seems, however, we were mistaken. Early in March we received the following letter: "To the Editor of the Dublin University Magazine.

"March 3, 1834. "Sir-Desirous of information on the subject of the recent changes in college, I was glad to see in your Magazine for January, a long article upon the subject, but what I sought was not to be found in it. Dealing in general observations upon the necessity of improvement in education, and of introducing studies of practical utility, the writer seems to have a strong disposition to favor the Edgeworth system of professional education, though he has not expressed himself in such terms as to show that he has completely made up his mind upon the subject. The expressions which he quotes, however, from Dean Burrowes's pamphlet "that colleges should teach that knowledge which is attended with substantial practical advantage to the community at large," do savour very strongly of that utilitarian plan. The writer appears to object to the importance attached to mathematics in the college course, and that on the ground of the study being unpalatable to the prominent taste of the Irish mind. To that taste, sober and strict reasoning is unquestionably unpalatable; but this seems to me a decisive proof that it is peculiarly necessary to train Irishmen to such habits as may best correct what is the prominent fault in their character. Hasty to decide-yielding without reflection to first impressions, and impatient of the slow process of reasoning on any

subject, Irishmen are the ready dupes
of any artful declaimer who appeals to
their passions and flatters their national
pride. To correct these defects of cha-
racter should be the object of education,
and for this purpose it is necessary to
accustom the mind to strict reasoning,
and to teach the art of detecting sophis
try. That there are any means of effect-
ing these purposes except by teaching
mathematics and logic, I believe would
be difficult to prove.
As to the utility
of mathematics in common life, let the
his business requires the aid of that
civil engineer be asked to what extent
science?

culties he meets in his art, insuperable
without their aid? Ask the mineralogist
can he understand the primitive forms of
the substances which are the subject of
his enquiries, without mathematics? Ask
the electrician does he understand the

Ask the mechanist what diffi

theory of Orinus without mathematics?

"It seems to me to be the business of a college to open the road to knowledge by such elementary instruction as may enable the student to follow to its utmost choose to addict himself, while it invigo extent, any branch to which he may wishes do not lead them beyond the path rates the understanding of those whose of ordinary life.

"But, I did not take up my pen to discuss the subject of education. I had designed merely to notice a few passages in the essay I refer to, which require correction.

"It is stated, p. 93, that "the senior board has lately exhibited a remarkable instance of generosity in the creation of eight new fellowships." It is impossible to read this without considering it as involving an imputation of want of generosity in their predecessors. Now the fact is, that generosity has nothing whatever to do with the affair. The establishment of these fellowships does not cost any member of the board a single sixpence: the expence is defrayed out of the surplus income of the college. It is obvious that the writer believes that surplus to be divided among the provost and senior fellows; but they do not, they never did, they cannot appropriate to

their own use the smallest fraction of it. The balance of the income and expenditure is carried every year to the credit of the following year. The accounts might be called for at any visitation, by any member of the corporation. There is no reason to suppose that they would not be shown to any person entitled to enquire about them.

"I have next to observe, upon what is said as to the lectureship in divinity, founded by Archbishop King, which we are told had, till now, been a sinecure, p. 91. It never was a sinecure; the duty was constantly and regularly performed. The class of Bachelors whose duty it was to attend that lecture, were examined twice a week during every term, and returns made to the board of their attendance, on which the continuance of the emoluments of such as were scholars, or held exhibitions, depended. The list of lecturers given in the University Calendar for 1833, includes very many names who would have scorned to turn a lecture, founded by William King, into a sinecure. Berkeley, who was the second lecturer, would certainly not have set them an example.

"But this lecture is not the only one stated to have been till now a sinecure. The same stigma is cast upon the professorship of natural philosophy. It might have been expected that the names of Helsham, of Hamilton, and of Young, would have exempted it from such a charge. It never was a sinecure. The lectures were regularly given three times each week, during term, and were open to all the students, nor indeed restricted to them alone. I recollect to have made acquaintance with an officer in a regiment on duty in Dublin, attending them.

"Let the changes which have taken place in the college, appeal to their own merits for the validity of their claims to public approbation, and let not their advocates seek to procure it for them by unfounded attacks upon the absent and the dead.

"V. A."

This letter we did not think it necessary to publish, believing then, as we do now, that it was altogether founded on a misapprehension of the meaning of our original article; and fully persuaded of the inexpediency of making the pages of our Magazine the vehicle of unnecessary controversy with ourselves. And, accordingly, we inserted in our notices to correspond

VOL. III.

ents a most kind and complimentary paragraph to our unknown friend, V. A. We even thanked him for the spirit and temper of his letter; but we told him that he misunderstood the article on which he commented, and added a few remarks, which, alluding to statements of his suppressed letter, could be intelligible only to himself. This, however, did not satisfy V. A. He waxed wroth at our kindness. and sent us a second letter, for the spirit and temper of which we thank him too; for it is a sure sign when an opponent gets angry, that he feels himself in the wrong.

"To the Editor of the Dublin University Magazine.

"April 7th. "SIR-It is not usual with editors, claiming the credit of impartiality, to decline inserting answers to articles which still have appeared in their publications; less to insert remarks upon such answers, which, so far as they have any relation to the subject, repeat the charges which the article replied to had made, and which the answer shewed to be unfounded. You will immediately perceive that I allude to your refusal to insert the letter sent under the signature of V. A., which contained remarks upon the article in your January Magazine, upon academical reform.

"You state that V. A. mistook the drift. of that article, and that none but an idiot could deny the practical benefit of that branch of academical discipline which had been remarked upon.

"There was no remark in V. A.'s letter, upon any part of academical discipline: his observations related to the course of study which the reformist depreciated.

"The remark proceeds to say that the reformist had not intended to establish the characters of the living, at the expense of the absent and the dead. With the characters of the living, V. A. meddled not he only defended the dead; and defence is now rendered necessary by a renewed charge, made in indefinite terms, and, of course, even more objectionable than those in the original article. editor asks V. A., is he not aware that MANY of the offices which had been held by the great names he mentioned, have been, since then, existing scarcely even in name, until they have been at present_revived? Now what is the fact? offices referred to were but Two!

The

The

One

was Archbishop King's lecture in divinity;

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