depending thereupon, &c. Your promise to apply yourselves to such courses, as may support our royal estate with honour and plenty at home, and with power and reputation abroad, is that which we have ever promised ourselves, both from your loyalties and affections.' Here are words that sound nothing but grace, and here is a clear testimony from the King's own mouth, concerning the merit of this nation to this day; but, nothwithstanding these promises and testimonies, the King discovers daily more and more regret for Strafford's execution, sticks closer to the counsels of the same faction, and, instead of hearkening to this parliament, he commands a charge of treason to be framed against six members, the most eminent and active in both houses. Also, upon the fourth of January, the King comes in person, with a great train armed, into the house, and missing the five members there, tells the rest, that he must have them wheresoever he found them. Here was the fatal commencement of the war; for, the next day, the house declares, that they cannot sit in safety any longer at Westminster, and therefore they adjourn for some days, and retire into the city. December the thirty-first, they petition for a guard out of the city, under command of the King's lord chamberlain, the Earl of Essex; which is denied, yet with these expressions: We are ignorant of the grounds of your apprehensions, but protest before Almighty God, had we any knowledge, or belief of the least design, in any, of violence, either formally, or at this time against you, we would pursue them to condign punishment, with the same severity and detestation, as we would the greatest attempt upon our crown; and we do engage solemnly the word of a King, that the security of every one of you from violence is, and shall be ever as much our care, as the preservation of us and our children. These words were sweetly tempered, but won no belief, nor could overpower contrary actions; wherefore, the mayor, aldermen, and common-council of London, seeing nothing but symptoms of war in the court, framed a petition, praying the King, that the Tower of London may be put into the hands of persons of trust; that, by removal of doubtful and unknown persons from about Whitehall and Westminster, a known and approved guard may be appointed for the safety of the parliament; and that the accused members may not be restrained, or proceeded against, otherwise than according to the privileges of parliament. The King grants nothing, but answers, That his reception of such an unusual request is a sufficient instance of the singular estimation he hath of the good affections of the city, which he believes, in gratitude, will never be wanting to his just commands and service.' Hitherto the King speaks nothing, but in justification both of the city's, parliament's, and people's loyalty. The tumults about Whitehall, &c. amounted to no war, are imputed by the King to the rabble, and by us to the King's party; the parliament is acquitted, except six members, and the prosecution of them also is after declined by the King, yet the King departs from the city, as unsafe, seeing plainly it could not be averted from the parliament. Upon the twentieth of January, the King sends a message to parliament, to state the differences on both sides, promising, that, when they are digested into a body, fit to be judged of, it shall appear what be will do. In answer hereunto, the commons house (the lords refus

ing to join) only petition for the raising up unto them, and the state, a sure ground of safety and confidence, that the Tower of London, and the Militia of the kingdom, may be put into such persons hands as they should recommend. The King replies, That the militia by law is subject to no command but his own, which he will reserve to himself, as a principal and inseparable flower of his crown; professes to take care of peace, and the rights of the subject, equally with his life, or the lives of his dearest children. He further also conjures them, by all acts of duty and favour received, by hopes of future mutual happiness, by their love of religion, the peace both of this kingdom and Ireland, not to be transported with fears and jealousies. The parliament could not believe themselves secured by these professions, or asseverations, and the King would not understand, that the settling the militia, at this time, in confiding hands, to prevent a civil war, was any other, than the taking the crown from his head. Hinc illa lachryma; the King, nevertheless. persists to declare his abhorrence of the Irish rebellion, frequently inciting the parliament to send succours. He also strangely abjures any privity to plots, or designs against the laws, &c. and, further, makes strict proclamation, March the Sixteenth, for putting laws in execution against the papists. The parliament, seeing cause to suspect that the King and Queen did still favour Digby, and others, flying from the justice of parliament, and appearing to be incendiaries by letters intercepted; knowing also that the Queen was going into Holland to pawn the jewels of the crown for arms; and having divers other grounds of further apprehensions, again petition concerning the settling of the militia, and the King's return, but are denied in both. Thoughts of peace are now laid aside, and Hull being a strong town, and a magazine of arms, as also Newcastle being the publick magazine of fuel, and a rich place, are looked upon with sollicitous eyes; but, as the Parliament prevents the King in Hull, the King prevents the parliament in Newcastle: Yet, the war, being so far advanced, is scarcely avowed on either side, nor is it agreed which part was put to the defensive; and therefore, on the second of June, 1642, before any bloodshed, another essay is made for peace, and the parliament's cause, stated fully in nineteen propositions, is dispatched to the King; the main things desired were reformation in church government, that power military and civil might be put into confiding hands, that justice of parliament might pass upon delinquents: But the answer returned is, That, if these things were granted, the King should remain but the outside, but the picture, but the sign of a King. This, though it was the trumpet of war, and the sound of defiance in effect, yet was not so owned, for still the King says, He intends not to fix any disloyal design upon both, or either house of parliament; he is rather most confident of the loyalty, good affections, and integrity of that great body's good intentions; but the malignity of the design, he says, hath proceeded from the subtle informations, mischievous prac tices, and evil counsels of ambitious turbulent spirits, not without a strong influence upon the very actions of both houses. This was the utmost charge of treason that could be then brought against the parliament, and the propsitions of the parliament treated lately at Uxbridge, in February 1644, being no other in effect, than those of June 1642,

this inference may be truly made, That the King hath no cause to look upon us now, otherwise than as he did then; and, if he have varied since from those vows and asseverations which he made then, the blame will not remain on this side, but on his; so that the very calling to mind what hath been said by the King, will be now sufficient for our purpose:

1. Wherefore, as to the taking up of arms at all against the parliament, June the Third, 1642, the King, in his declaration to the freeholders of Yorkshire, renounces any intention of war; his words are, To the end this present posture, wherein we meet, should not affright you with the distempers of the times, we wish you to look into the composition and constitution of our guard, and you will find it so far from the face or fear of war, that it serves to secure you, as well as us, from it, &c. Also June the Sixteenth, in his declaration at York, he useth these words: We again, in the presence of Almighty God, our Maker and Redeemer, assure the world, we have no more thought of making war against our parliament, than against our own children. To the same purpose, he made all his lords sign a testimonial with their own hands, in affirmance of his profession. It is true, afterwards, when he took the field with his increased guard, and became the assailant at Hull, having possessed himself of Newcastle, he was driven to save himself by distinctions, for he had not disclaimed all war in general, but all invasive war; and, if the siege of Hull had some shew of invasion, yet, indeed, it was but in order to his defence, and this was a subtlety that all the subsigning lords, and others, it is thought, had not foreseen till

now.

2. As to the waging war against the parliament, June the Sixteenth, the King disclaims all thoughts of war against his parliament; and, in July, after the date of the Earl of Essex's commission, he abhors the like, desiring no longer the protection and blessing of Almighty God uphimself and his posterity, than he and they shall solemnly observe the laws in defence of parliaments. Also, on August the twelfth after, he acknowledges, that the King and parliament are like the twins of Hyppocrates, which must laugh and cry, live and die together. So this guides us to more distinctions, that the King may defend himself against a parliament, yet not fight against it; or, he may assail a malignant party in parliament, yet not touch the parliament itself: These distinctions hold good on this side, not on that: But, by what distinction will the King put a short period to this perpetual parliament without violence? Or, how can he deny it the name of a parliament without hostility? Examine the letters further about this.

3. As to the waging of war by papists: The King, August the fourth, when the Earl of Essex's army was in forming, in his speech to the gentry of Yorkshire, avers, That he had taken order, that the power of the sword should not come into the hands of papists. And, August the tenth, he makes strict proclamation, That all papists, presuming to list themselves under him as officers or soldiers, should be punished, and a way, by oath, was prescribed for discrimination of them. Also, August the twenty-ninth, The King gives instructions his commissioners for arrays to disarm all papists. So, October the twenty-seventh, after the battle

at Edge-hill, the King thinks it worth his excuse, that he had some few popish commanders in his army, taken in of great necessity; he concludes thus: We shall never forget our several oaths in our several declarations; we are too much a christian to believe that we can break those promises, and avoid the justice of heaven. It is true, afterwards, a new distinction came to light, for, upon a petition from the Lancashire papists, the King did avow, The papists were, by law, prohibited arms in time of peace, not in time of war; and, therefore, he did not only authorise, but require them to arm themselves, servants, tenants, and use the same arms, &c. This distinction bore date long after the war begun, but that was want of invention only.

4. As to managing the war by Irish papists, he had never before named them but with a bleeding heart. His words once were: We hope the lamentable condition of Ireland will invite us to a fair intelligence and unity, that we may, with one heart, intend the relieving and recovering of that unhappy kingdom, where those barbarous rebels practise such inhuman and unheard of cruelties upon our miserable people, that no christian ear can hear without honour, nor story parallel. At another time, thus: We conjure all our subjects, by all the bonds of love, duty, or obedience, that are precious to good men, to join with us for recovery of that kingdom. In July, at the siege of Hull, he conjures both houses, as they will answer the contrary to Almighty God, To unite their force for recovery of Ireland. In October, from Ayno, in his proclamation, he excuses the taking of clothes and draught horses sent for Ireland, as done of necessity, and against his will. In December, the King answers some Irish protestants thus: Since the beginning of that monstrous rebellion, I have had no greater sorrow than for the bleeding condition of that kingdom. Nay, since the treaty at Uxbridge, the King, in publick, washes his hands of all countenance given to the rebels, and turns the blame upon the parliament, though in private he had been, as it were, a suitor to them for peace, and some assistance from them by private letters to Ormond. Query, How this may be reconcileable, &c.

5. As to the granting of a toleration, the King, March the ninth, 1641, in answer to the parliament's declaration, uses these words: Our faithful and zealous affection to the true protestant profession, and our resolution is to concur with our parliament in any possible course for the propagation of it, and suppression of popery. In April, 1642, he calls God to witness, with this assurance, That he will never consent, upon whatsoever pretence, to a toleration of the popish profession, or abolition of laws now in force against recusants. Also, April the twenty-fifth, He has no other end but to defend the true protestant profession, &c. God so deal with us, as we continue in these professions. So, in his speech at the head of his army, September the nineteenth. So, in his proclamation of pardon to London, October the twenty-ninth, All the professions we have made in our several declarations for suppression of popery and maintenance of religion, the laws, &c. shall be as inviolably observed by us, as we expect a blessing from Almighty God, and obedience from our subjects. Query, then, How this may be consistent with taking away statutes in England and Ireland, made for suppression of popery, and that by the arms of papists.

6. As to the bringing in of foreign force, the King, March the ninth, 1641, in his declaration from Newmarket, saith, Whatsoever you are advertised from Rome, Venice, and Paris, of the pope's nuncio's solliciting Spain, France, &c. for foreign aids, we are confident no sober honest man can believe us so desperate or senseless to entertain such designs, as would not only bury this our kingdom in sudden destruction and ruin, but our name and posterity in perpetual scorn and infamy. Also, March the twenty-sixth, 1642, about sollicitation suspected of the King of Denmark, his words are, We have neither so ill opinion of our own merits, or the affections of our subjects, as to think ourself in need of foreign force. Also, August the fourth, the King, in his speech to the gentry of Yorkshire, acknowledges, He is wholly cast upon the affections of his people, having no hope but in God, his just cause, and the love of his subjects. What distinction can now satisfy us, that neither Irish, French, Lorrainers, Dutch, nor Danes, are foreigners? The concealing of this, by sealing up the lips of the Queen and Ormond, and Cockran, must supply all distinctions.

A TRUE NARRATIVE

OF THE

OCCASIONS AND CAUSES

OF THE

LORD GENERAL CROMWELL'S ANGER AND INDIGNATION

AGAINST

LIEUTENANT COLONEL GEORGE JOYCE,

(Sometimes Cornet Joyce, who secured the King at Holmby) and his proceedings against him to cashier him from the army, and imprison and destroy him in his estate.

Folio, containing four pages.

A

LITTLE after the King was brought into the custody, or quarters of the army, notice was taken, that Cromwell lifted up his hands in the parliament, and called God, angels, and men to witness, That he knew nothing of Joyce's going for the King.

Thereupon, Joyce asked the said general Cromwell, What made him to speak such words? And, Whether he intended to do as the King had