and estates together, to fight for our king, country, parliament, selves, religion, laws, liberties, lives, and all that is ours, because now all is at stake. And,

Lastly, We may clearly see the lawfulness of this defensive war, if we but look upon the causes and ends thereof, which are many, as namely,

1. The glory of God.

2. The good of the church.

3. The propagation of the gospel.

4. The peace of the kingdom.

5. The prosperity of the commonwealth.

6. The maintenance of the king's honour, authority, and person, in

his royal dignity.

7. The liberties and immunities of the commons.

8. The preservation of the representative body of the realm.

9. The privileges of parliament.

10. The laws of the land: and,

11. The free course of justice.

But I will reduce all these to four heads; to wit, God's glory, the king's honour, the parliament's safety, and the kingdom's preservation.

First, This defensive war is undertaken by the parliament for God's glory, and the maintenance of true religion. Now we may, yea ought to fight, to maintain the purity and substance of religion, that it may neither be changed into the ceremonious formalities of popery, nor our consciences brought into the subjection of Romish and antichristian slavery.

Secondly, This defensive war is undertaken by the parliament for the king's honour and safety. Now we are bound, by the duty of allegiance, to defend and maintain the king's person, honour, and estate; and therefore,

1. It is our duty to labour, by all lawful means, to free his person from those assassins, who violently, by their wicked counsel, assistance, and persuasion, carry him upon his own danger, and the destruction of his liege and most loyal subjects. And,

2. It is our duty to labour to maintain the king's honour; and therefore, when he is over-ruled by those, who, through their subtlety, work so upon his mild and pliant temper, that they make him appear to his subjects, yea foreign nations, to be a defender of delinquents, and evil counsellors, against his loving subjects and loyal parliament, which tends infinitely to his dishonour; it is then our duty to labour to unwind and disentangle him from their practices, or, by force, pluck away their persons from about him. And,

3. It is our duty to maintain his majesty's estate. Now, as the Lord Burleigh would often say to Queen Elisabeth, Madam, get but your subjects hearts, and you need not fear their purses; so I may say, that

the love and affection of the king's subjects (which his parliament labours to inrich him withal, and to possess him of) will be more advantageous unto him for matter of state, than all the prerogatives and privileges, which his obscure counsellors persuade, and endeavour so much for, against the will and welfare of his people. And if we compare our Queen Elisabeth (who would have nothing, but by, and from the parliament, with the love and affection of her people) with the King of Spain, who, by an arbitrary power, tyranniseth over his subjects, we shall then see, as clear as the sun, that where princes, by joining with parliaments, labour to unite the hearts and affections of their people unto them, their riches abound more, both with prince and people, than in those kingdoms where all cruel courses are taken by the king to impoverish the commons.

Thirdly, This defensive war is undertaken by us, at the parliament's command, for their safety. Now, both reason and religion will teach us, that if our pious parliament, and the sage senate, for the maintaining of our lives, liberties, and laws, and in, or for opposing of itself, not against the king's person, honour, or estate, but against his affections misled by evil counsellors, shall be exposed to danger, dissolution, or death; then it is our duty, by defensive war, to withstand that power, or force, which is levied against them.

Fourthly, This military design is undertaken for the kingdom's preservation. Now both the laws of God and man (as is, against all contradiction, proved in the treatise, called A sovereign antidote to prevent and appease our civil wars') will bear us out, for taking up defensive arms for the safety of our kingdom and commonwealth. That is, if we see endeavours and designs a-foot, for the reducing of the government of this kingdom to the condition of those countries, which are not governed by parliaments and established laws, but by the will of the prince and his favourites; then it is lawful for us to assist the representative body of the land, whom we instrust with our laws and liberties, against those who resist and oppose them, that they may the more easily prevail against, and make good their designs upon us.

And therefore, although we will never cease to sue unto the king, and humbly to supplicate the King of kings for peace and unity, yet, if we cannot obtain it, without the dishonour of God, the loss of our religion, privileges, liberties, and laws, the endangering, yea exposing of our most faithful parliament to imminent peril, and the hazard of his majesty's person, honour, and estate; we may then, with the peace of God, his holy angels, and of our own consciences, take up arms in the defence of all these.

AN HUMBLE DECLARATION

OF THE

APPRENTICES AND OTHER YOUNG MEN

OP THE

CITY OF LONDON,

WHO WERE PETITIONERS FOR PEACE;

Shewing the causes of their petitioning, and the passages concerning it.

Together with a true copy of their petition, as it was delivered to both houses of parliament, disclaiming those in print, which were without their knowledge.

Nulla Salus Bello, Pacem te poscimus omnes.

Printed at London, 1642. Folio, containing eight pages.

WE

E the apprentices, and other young men, in and about the City of London, having lately engaged ourselves in a petition for peace, and thereunto subscribed, do now, for the satisfaction of all, who are desirous for peace, and to be informed of the truth of our proceedings, as also for the clearing ourselves from those malicious calumnies, that either are, or shall be cast upon us; humbly and truly inform, and declare to all the world, that that which first gave life, and quickening to our undertaking of this petition, was the glory of God, and the peace and happiness of our king, parliament, and kingdom, and for no by-respect, or ill design whatsoever.

The contents of which petition follow, verbatim, viz.

To the right honourable the Lords and Commons, in the high court of parliament now assembled.

The humble petition of divers apprentices, and other young men, in and about the City of London,

In most humble manner sheweth,

THAT your former gracious acceptation of petitions from persons of as mean quality as ourselves, your late kind embracement of that petition from our masters, and others of eminent quality; together with your constant endeavours for a pacification, for which we present our hum

ble thanks; hath concited us, though, in regard of our present condition, not so much considerable, to address ourselves also, in all humility, to this honourable assembly, whom we conceive the only means, under God, for our redress, beseeching you to persist, as you have honourably begun, in working a period of these ruinating distrac

tions.

4

And though the present calamity doth not so immediately reflect upon your petitioners: Yet we, considering the loss of so many of our fellows lives, the daily hazard the rest are exposed to, and foreseeing the face of our own ruin, in our masters present condition, as also prizing our parents' and friends' lives, and livelihoods, as dearly as our own, hold ourselves engaged by the laws of conscience and nature, to be no less sollicitous, for the bleeding condition of this church and state; in regard, though servants, we are subjects, and humbly conceive ourselves to be concerned herein.

We come, therefore, in the still voice, to embowel our grievances and zealous desires before you; not presuming to dictate to your grave judgments, but humbly desiring you to pardon our boldness, in petitioning, and the errors of our petition, if any be:

And unanimously beseech you to consider these present distractions, the continual and increasing violations of our religion by papists and sectaries, the breach of our known laws, the invasion of the subjects liberties, and general decay of trade.

Reflecting also, with serious thoughts, upon these inevitable dangers, that now hover over our heads, ushered in by a civil, unnatural, and bloody war, whose effects are the impartial destruction of christians, the effusion of much innocent blood, the impoverishing and dispeopling of the kingdom, and exposing the body of the state, to the merciless tyranny of famine, sickness, and invasion, the fore runners of an universal confusion:

All which, better known to your apprehensions, we humbly desire you to ponder, and to prosecute your pious intentions for peace; leaving no just way unattempted which may conduce to the settlement of these differences, that the undiscerning sword be not umpire to decide controversies, of so near concernment; neither give audience to any incendiaries of this present war, whose only aim, we fear, is to prey upon the lives and livings of his majesty's loyal subjects; that the gospel of peace need not be maintained by war; but that the cemented joints of the church and state may hold firm the bond of unity, to the glory of God, the good of his majesty, the preservation of parliaments, the only happiness of this kingdom, and enablement for a supply, for the necesities of our distressed brethren in Ireland.

And your petitioners, as in all duty bound, shall daily pray for a blessing upon your consultations.

To which we have subscribed our hands and hearts, each ready to sacrifice his life for accomplishment thereof.

Of which petition we dispersed several copies, for no other cause, but

to procure subscriptions, with the more convenience. But, by what means we know not, there was a very false copy printed, and intitled ours, but so different from the true petition, both in matter and expressions, that, had it not been for the title, we could not believe it had at all concerned us.

This, we conceive, was a great wrong to us, and did indeed discourage some of us, from our intended presenting of our petition. But yet, at last, we poising both, preferred the glory of God, and peace of this church and state, before any thing that might discourage or dishearten us.

Whereupon all agreed upon Monday, January the second, for our day of delivery, and accordingly set forth notes, desiring all the subscribers to meet at the piazza's in Covent-garden, in compleat civil habit, without swords or staves: Upon which day, and at which place, there met a very considerable number of us, and, which in modesty we would not say of ourselves, but that we are scandalously and falsly traduced by others, did demean, and behave ourselves very civil and orderly.

But it fell out, that without our knowledge or consent, there thrust in amongst us a papist, which we being informed of, presently expelled him our company, to avoid all cause of scandal upon our intentions.

After this comes one, and began to sing a ballad in dishonour to the parliament, but we presently discarded him also, with manifest expression of our great dislike of his doings.

This done, a lieutenant to a troop of horse came to us, to know the intent of our appearance, being before informed, as he told us, that we had pistols about us, which was altogether false.

And then at the appointed time we repaired to Westminster, into the palace-yard, and were presently called before Captain Harvey, who attended there with his troop, and by him, after some small discourse between ús, twenty of us were admitted to the house of lords; the rest, by his direction, immediately, and quietly, retreated to Whitehall gate, waiting the return of their fellows.

We, coming to the house, were bold to acquaint the ever honoured Earl of Pembroke with our desires, who was pleased to impart them to the house: But by reason of a conference of both houses, as we conceive, the lords sent us a note, by Mr. Maxwell, to this effect:

'The Lords have formerly expressed their dislike of coming in multitudes to the parliament, and they take notice of a great multitude that came, this morning, towards the parliament: Which manner of coming with petitions, they are yet unsatisfied withal. But, if you will chuse a few of you, and come some other day, they will receive your petition.'

Upon this, in obedience to their lordships directions, we for that time departed, having appointed twenty of us to deliver our petition on the next day; but we retiring homewards, it was told us, that some of our company tarried at Whitehall gate, and stopped some of the lords