us, that it is against the rules of justice, that any men should be imprisoned upon a general charge, when no particulars are proved against them: How insensibly, in other men's cases, do we accuse ourselves? Why, how many of us, within these six months, have been committed upon a general charge? How many persons of honour and reputation are now imprisoned in this town, when particulars are so far from being proved against them, that they are not so much as suggested? Was ever any charge so general, as to be a malignant or a cavalier? Yet you hear all such imprisonments are against the rules of justice; my opinion is, that, for justice-sake, for the city's sake, these four men should quietly submit themselves to the tryal of the law; if they refuse, that they be delivered up to the hands of justice.

Mr. Pym told us, there was no proof that my lord mayor, and the other persons named, were countenancers of Brownists, Anabaptists, and other sectaries; where should this proof be made? Do we not all know this to be true? Are they not all so much countenanced, as there is no countenance left for any body else? Did not my lord mayor first enter upon his office, with a speech against the book of common> prayer? Hath the common-prayer ever been read before him? Hath not captain Venn said, that his wife could make prayers worth three of any in that book? Oh! masters, there have been times, that he, that should speak against the book of common-prayer in this city, should not have been put to the patience of a legal tryal; we were wont to look upon it as the greatest treasure and jewel of our religion; and he that should have told us he wished well to our religion, and yet would take away the book of common-prayer, would never have gotten credit. I have been in all the parts of Christendom, and have conversed with Christians in Turkey; why in all the reformed churches there is not any thing of more reverence, than the English liturgy, not our royal exchange, or the name of Queen Elisabeth, so famous. In Geneva itself I have heard it extolled to the skies. I have been three months together by sea, not a day without hearing it read twice. The honest mariners then despised all the world, but the King and the commonprayer book; he, that should have been suspected to wish ill to either of them, would have made an ill voyage. And let me tell you, they are shrewd youths those seamen; if they once discern that the person of the King is in danger, or the true protestant professed religion, they will shew themselves mad bodies, before you are aware of it; I would not be a Brownist, or an Anabaptist, in their way for -But we are told of an army of papists, who will root out our religion; for my part, I am sure I an not suspected of any affection to papists; yet I confess at this time, I have not the least fear of danger from them, and the truth is, this bugbear is grown less terrible to every body. We know, from the beginning of this parliament, the continual discovery of plots by the papists, and what those discoveries have cost us, and yet, to this day, not the least probable charge objected against them. When the King was at York, no discourse here, but of the papists being there in multitudes, when it is well known, his Majesty took all possible care to prevent the resort of any papists to the court, and I have been assured by very honest men, that, in a month, there was scarce the

face of one papist there. When he first raised his army, did he not, by proclamation, forbid any to come to him? But hark you, gentlemen, where would you have these papists be? Can they live in the air, or in the water? Beyond sea you will not suffer them to pass; if they stay at their houses, they are plundered, it is a good justification for plundering, that they are papists. Are they not the King's subjects, and should they not fly to him for protection? Is there any law, that says the papists must not assist the King with men, arms, or money, when he is in distress, and when he conceives himself to be in danger of his life? Let us look about us, if this world hold, not only all the papists, but all the gentlemen of England will find it necessary to carry all they have to the King, and venture it in that bottom.

But both houses have declared, that there hath been no plundering by the direction of parliament. Here, I think, they would be willing to admit the King to be part of the parliament, to save their honour; otherwise, if plundering signifies the coming with violence into one's house, and taking away his goods against his consent, sure there hath been much plundering, even by the direction of the houses; but have they ever punished plundering of the worst sort, if they have not directed it? Will a declaration of both houses repair the fine wainscot and the goodly leads of honest George Binyon's house? Let me tell you, the time hath been, the loss of such a citizen would have been talked of in another way. I wonder what kind of government is preparing for us, when they will not allow that the imprisonment of our persons is the taking away our liberty, or, the taking away the twentieth part of our estates is the destruction of our property; and did you mark what a notable reason was given us for this? The same law, that doth enable them to raise forces, doth likewise enable them to require contributions. It doth indeed, yet one might be without the other; but I would these gentlemen had chose another auditory to have convinced with this argument; the country people will be no more couzened by the city, when they hear what kind of oratory prevails over us; we shall be shortly told, when they have a mind to our houses, that the same law, which gave them authority to take away our money, gave them likewise power to do the other too.

The King tells us, if we shall hereafter contribute any thing for the maintenance of the army, which, he says, is in rebellion against him (he pardons what is past, mark that) he will deny us the benefit of his protection with foreign princes, which he will signify to his foreign ministers; what remedy have the lords and commons found for this now? Sufficient to do the business, they declare, that this is an excess of rigour, and injustice beyond example, and therefore they hope his Majesty will be induced, by better counsel, to forbear the execution. A very sovereign declaration; but it is ten to one, if we do not obey his Majesty in the injunction he hath laid upon us, he will use this excess of rigour. I know not how little you, that trade only within the kingdom, may think yourselves concerned in this; but I say, whoever understands the trade abroad, and the benefit of being a subject to the King of England, will not run this hazard; for, let him be assured, in

VOL. V.

THE

LIFE OF HENRY THE SECOND,

KING OF ENGLAND.

Shewing what troubles befel in his reign, concerning the wars between him and his subjects; and also the manner how he set up his standard near Rudland, Henry of Essex being General, and the manner how he left his crown; necessary to be observed in these dangerous and distracted times of ours,

Printed at London for H. B. 1642. Quarto, containing eight pages.

Ν

IN the year of our Lord 1154, Henry the Second was crowned; h was a man of a low stature, and fat of body, of a fresh colour, a valiant soldier, a good scholar, and of good expression in his speech; very wise, and much delighted with peace.

In the second year of his reign a council was held at Wallingford, where the nobles were sworn to the king and his issue, by an oath of allegiance composed by the king and his council for that purpose; after which Geffery the king's brother rose in rebellion, and did much hurt, but was afterwards overcome by the king, and all, was yielded into the king's hands.

In the third year of his reign the Welchmen rose against him, and the king raised an army, and made Henry of Essex his chief general of the army; and, when the king was come into Wales, Henry of Essex, by the commandment of the king, raised the standard, and open war was proclaimed, and many from their own habitations (as also out of divers prisons) came to assist the king, and there was a great battle fought near to Rudland, where there were many men slain on both sides; but the king recovered the castle, and marched towards the castle of Basingwirk, where there was a great slaughter on the king's army, by reason whereof the army was much discouraged, and Henry of Essex, and those under him who had the trust of the bearing of the standard, did at that time let the standard fall down to the ground in the battle, which did so exceedingly encourage the Welchmen, that they pursued with great eagerness; the king himself was exceedingly dismayed hereat, and fled to save his life, but the two armies fought daily, for by the help of the Earl of Clare it was raised up again.

Now the king had appointed a navy of ships also to go forth against them, and Madoc ap Merideth was admiral of the seas, who had spoiled divers churches, and done much hurt in the Isle of Man, and Anglesey; but after much blood-shed they began on both sides to be weary of war, and there was an agreement and peace concluded, and

on the next Christmas day after, King Henry being at Worcester, went to church, and going to prayers with the congregation, took his crown. off his head, and laid it on the communion table, and would never wear it after.

In the seventh year of his reign there being great troubles in Ireland about the rudiments of faith, and ecclesiastical rights, the king called a council, and Nicholas of Wallingford and William Fitz-Adelm were sent over to Ireland by the authority and consent of the king and council, at which time was this confession, or creed, published, viz.

'I BELEEVE in God Fadir Almichty, fppiper of heaven and earth, and in Ihesus Christ, his oneleihi Son ure Loverd, that is ivange thurch the holy Ghost, bore of Mary maiden, tholede pine under Ponce Pilat, picht on rode tree, dead and is buried, licht into hell, the tridde day from death arose, steich into heaven, sit on his Fadir richt honde God Almichty, then is comminde to deme the quickke and the dede; I beleeve in the holy Ghost, all holy chirche, mone of alle hallwen, forgivenis of sine, fleiss uprising, lif with aaten end.' Amen.

The king also caused an oath of fidelity to be drawn, for his subjects to swear to his son Prince Henry, concerning his inheritance under their fidelity to the king, in case the king should die before his son, which protestation was taken through the whole kingdom.

In the eighth year of his reign there was a sect sprang up called Publicans; the chief leader of them was one Gerard a good Scholar, but his fellows were most of them silly and ignorant people.

They denied the rights and ceremonies of the church, matrimony, baptism, the supper of the Lord, &c.

These were so stiff, and stood so stoutly to their opinions, that they would not be convinced of any error in their tenents; and, when Gerard the chief of them was brought to Oxford, he would not recant from any of his tenents, wherefore judgment was denounced against them.

1. That they should be stigmatised in their foreheads. 2. That they should be whipped. 3. That they should be turned out of the city. 4. That they should not be received into any town. 5. That none

should give them any relief. 6. That none should afford them any

succour.

These men nevertheless suffered joyfully, singing as they went, Blessed are ye when men hate you, Blessed are ye when men hate you, and so wandered in the fields till, with the cold and hunger, they all died, for no man durst relieve them.'

In the ninth year of his reign, Henry of Essex was accused of hightreason before the nobility, and these articles were exhibited against him.

1. That the said Henry of Essex did in the expedition to Wales, in

narrow and hard passage (at Colleshell) most fraudulently throw away the king's standard.

2. That he did with a loud voice pronounce the king to be dead. 3. That he turned back those that came to relieve the king's army against the Welchmen.

These articles he denied, and after great debate thereof, before the king and council, the matter was adjudged to be tried by combate, and Henry of Essex, supposed to be slain, was carried away, but he revived, and spent the rest of his days in reading.

In the twelfth year of his reign the king appointed a collection to be made through all the countries, in this manner, viz.

1. For every Pound in moveable goods being so valued for the first year, 2d.

2. For four years after for every pound so valued, 1d.

3. For arable lands, and for vines, the charge and cost of them not reckoned for every pound thereof after the same manner also.

4, He, that hath an house valued to be worth one pound, to pay one penny.

5. He, that hath some office agent, one penny.

After the payment whereof, the king caused his son Henry to be crowned, by the persuasions of Robert, Archbishop of York, thinking it would prove to the great quietness of himself and his realm, but it proved otherwise; for the young king received the fealties of the earls

and barons.

Henry, the younger, rebelled against his father, and many earls and barons fled over to him, and many great and bloody battles were fought between them; but, at the last, the old King subdued this rebellion, and, finding that the Scots had joined against him, gave to many of the young nobility, whom he had found to be loyal unto him, the most part of the land in Scotland, and imprisoned and fined many of the English, for this rebellion.

In the twenty-first year of his reign, a brother of the Earl of Ferrers was slain in the city of London; whereat the King was much displeased, and vowed revenge against the city; and there were great troubles between the court and the city, insomuch that the city was distracted and disquieted within itself; for, in the end, there were many unruly citizens, who did give themselves to the pillaging and robbing of rich men's houses, of whom one Andrew Buckequint and John Ould were chief; but the grave wisdom of the King soon suppressed them; and there was peace between the young King and the old, and the father and the son did eat and drink at one table, and all was ended in peace; and, shortly after, the disobedient son was cut off, and the old King reigned quietly alone.

Then the King called a convocation of the clergy at London, and the pope's legate sat in the chair, and, next to him, the Archbishop of Canterbury, on his right hand, as primate of England; but, when the Archbishop of York saw, that he must sit on the left hand of the pope's legate, he disdained the place, and did strive to croud his arse between