them, and expressed great regard and esteem for the people of that country, who he hoped would continue firm and united in defending by all peaceable and legal means their constitutional rights. I assured him that I made no doubt they would do so; which he said he was pleased to hear from me, as he was sensible I must be well acquainted with them.

"I then took occasion to remark to him, that in former cases great empires had crumbled first at their extremities, from this cause: nat countries remote from the seat and eye of government, which therefore could not well understand their affairs for want of full and true information, had never been well governed, but had been oppressed by bad governors, on presumption that complaint was difficult to be made and supported against them at such a distance. Hence, such governors had been encouraged to go on, till their oppressions became intolerable. But that this empire had happily found, and long been in the practice of, a method, whereby every province was well governed, being trusted in a great measure with the government of itself; and that hence had arisen such satisfaction in the subjects, and such encouragement to new settlements, that, had it not been for the late wrong politics (which would have Parliament to be omnipotent, though it ought not to be so unless it could at the same time be omniscient), we might have gone on extending our western empire, adding province to province, as far as the South Sea. That I lamented the ruin which seemed impending over so fine a plan, so well adapted to make all the subjects of the greatest empire happy; and I hoped that, if his Lordship, with the other great and wise men of the British nation, would unite and exert themselves, it might yet be rescued out of the mangling hands of the present set of blundering ministers; and that the union and harmony between Britain and her colonies, so necessary to the welfare of both, might be restored.

"He replied, with great politeness, that my idea of extending our empire in that manner was a sound one, worthy of a great, benevolent, and comprehensive mind. He wished with me for a good understanding among the different parts of the opposition here, as a means of restoring the ancient harmony of the two countries, which he most earnestly desired; but he spoke of the coalition of our domestic parties as attended with difficulty, and rather to be desired than expected. He mentioned an opinion prevailing here,

that America aimed at setting up for itself as an independent state; or, at least, to get rid of the Navigation Acts. I assured him, that having more than once traveled almost from one end of the continent to the other, and kept a great variety of company, eating, drinking, and conversing with them freely, I never had heard in any conversation from any person, drunk or sober, the least expression of a wish for a separation, or hint that such a thing would be advantageous to America. And as to the Navigation Act, the main, material part of it, that of carrying on trade in British or plantation bottoms, excluding foreign ships from our ports, and navigating with three quarters British seamen, was as acceptable to us as it could be to Britain. That we were even not against regulations of the general commerce by Parliament, provided such regulations were bona fide for the benefit of the whole empire, not for the small advantage of one part to the great injury of another, such as the obliging our ships to call in England with our wine and fruit, from Portugal or Spain; the restraints on our manufactures, in the woolen and hat-making branches, the prohibiting of slitting-mills, steelworks, &c. He allowed that some amendment might be made in those acts; but said those relating to the slitting-mills, trip-hammers, and steel-works, were agreed to by our agents, in a compromise on the opposition made here to abating the duty.

"In fine, he expressed much satisfaction in my having called upon him, and particularly in the assurances I had given him, that America did not aim at independence; adding, that he should be glad to see me again as often as might be. I said, I should not fail to avail myself of the permission he was pleased to give me of waiting upon his Lordship occasionally, being very sensible of the honor, and of the great advantages and improvement I should reap from his instructive conversation; which indeed was not a mere compliment."

Before leaving Hayes, Dr. Franklin promised to keep Lord Chatham advised of any important intelligence which might arrive from America. Four months passed away before they met again. In December came the Petition and the Address from Congress; and as soon as the Petition had been presented to Lord Dartmouth, Dr. Franklin rode out to Hayes to submit copies of both docu ments to the perusal of Lord Chatham.

"He received me," continues Franklin, "with an affectionate

kind of respect, that from so great a man was extremely engaging; but the opinion he expressed of the Congress was still more so. They had acted, he said, with so much temper, moderation, and wisdom, that he thought it the most honorable assembly of statesmen since those of the ancient Greeks and Romans, in the most virtuous times. That there were not in their whole proceedings above one or two things he could have wished otherwise; perhaps but one, and that was their assertion, that the keeping up a standing army in the colonies in time of peace, without consent of their legislatures, was against law. He doubted that was not well founded, and that the law alluded to did not extend to the colonies. The rest he admired and honored. He thought the petition decent, manly, and properly expressed. He inquired much and particularly concerning the state of America, the probability of their perseverance, the difficulties they must meet with in adhering for any long time to their resolutions, the resources they might have to supply the deficiency of commerce; to all which I gave him answers with which he seemed well satisfied. He expressed a great regard and warm affection for that country, with hearty wishes for their prosperity; and that government here might soon come to see its mistakes, and rectify them; and intimated that possibly he might, if his health permitted, prepare something for its consideration, when the Parliament should meet after the holidays; on which he should wish to have previously my sentiments.

"I mentioned to him the very hazardous state I conceived we were in, by the continuance of the army in Boston; that, whatever disposition there might be in the inhabitants to give no just cause of offense to the troops, or in the general to preserve order among them, an unpremeditated, unforeseen quarrel might happen between perhaps a drunken porter and a soldier, that might bring on a riot, tumult, and bloodshed, and in its consequences produce a breach impossible to be healed; that the army could not possibly answer any good purpose there, and might be infinitely mischievous; that no accommodation could properly be proposed and entered into by the Americans while the bayonet was at their hearts; that, to have any agreement binding all force should be withdrawn. His lordship seemed to think these sentiments had something in them that was reasonable."

The result of these interviews was, that Lord Chatham deter

mined, if his gout would permit, to appear in the House of Lords, and move the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the troops from Boston. Lady Chatham preceded him to London. His daily notes to her show how full his heart was of the business in hand. The House was to convene on the nineteenth or twentieth of January. On the sixteenth he wrote to her: "I beg you will send positive and certain information if the House of Lords meets on Thursday, or not till Friday. I fear jockeyship, am resolved to be there on the first day of meeting, and wish you would tell Lord Stanhope that I shall propose something relative to America on the first day." January the 18th, she wrote to her lord: "I think it important you should know what infinite pains are taken to circulate an authoritative report, that you are determined to give yourself no trouble upon American affairs, and that, for certain, you do not mean to come to town. It is so strong that it proves how much there is to be afraid of jockeyship, and whatever is bad." He replied on the same day: "Don't disquiet yourself about the impudent and ridiculous lie of the hour. The plot does not lie very deep. It is only a pitiful device of fear; court fear and faction fear. If gout does not put in a veto, which I trust in heaven it will not, I will be in the House of Lords on Friday, then and there to make a motion relative to America. Be of good cheer, noble love.

“Yes, I am proud—I must be proud-to see

Men, not afraid of God, afraid of me.'"

The next day he wrote to Lord Stanhope: "I mean to-morrow to touch only the threshold of American business, and knock at the minister's door to wake him, as well as show I attend to America. I shall move for an address to send orders immediately for removing the forces from the town of Boston as soon as practicable. Be so good as not to communicate what my intended motion is to any one whatever; but the more it is known and propagated that I am to make a motion relative to America, the better. Adieu till to-morrow, my dear lord. I greatly wish Dr. Franklin may be in the House, if the House is open to others than members of Parliament." The next day Lady Chatham wrote to the Earl: "Duchesses, grandees, and others have dropped their cards of visits to me in every street, I think." [It was not known where she was stopping.] "This seeking so much about, to be civil, is flattering at least." To which he

replied, (transmuting by a touch her prose into poetry): "Your duchesses and archbishops littering all the streets with cards to catch you in your passage, is, indeed, flattering enough.""

Lord Stanhope sent Dr. Franklin the required notification, and added, that Lord Chatham himself would introduce him into the House. "I attended," Franklin records, "and met him accordingly. On my mentioning to him what Lord Stanhope had written to me, he said, 'Certainly; and I shall do it with the more pleasure, as I am sure your being present at this day's debate will be of more service to America than mine;' and so taking me by the arm, was leading me along the passage to the door that enters near the throne, when one of the door-keepers followed, and acquainted him that, by the order, none were to be carried in at that door but the eldest sons or brothers of peers; on which he limped back with me to the door near the bar, where were standing a number of gentlemen, waiting for the peers who were to introduce them, and some peers waiting for friends they expected to introduce; among whom he delivered me to the door-keepers, saying aloud, 'This is Dr. Franklin, whom I would have admitted into the House;' when they readily opened the door for me accordingly. "As it had not been publicly known, that there was any communication between his Lordship and me, this I found occasioned some speculation. His appearance in the House, I observed, caused a kind of bustle among the officers, who were hurried in sending messengers for members, I suppose those in connection with the ministry, something of importance being expected when that great man appears; it being but seldom that his infirmities permit his attendance."

Besides a great concourse of lords, the House was attended by large numbers of the Commons, and by as many Americans as could contrive to procure admission. William Pitt, a man of seventeen, the heir of the great orator's fame and mind, was present. Dr. Franklin enjoyed this day the true ecstacy of a civilized being: which is, to hear deeply cherished convictions glorified in the language of genius; to behold our plain, dusty, Cinderella thoughts alight upon us, transformed into princesses dazzling with beauty and diamonds.

We have but a shadow of this great speech. Lord Chatham began by remarking upon the dilatoriness of the administration in