editions of his works, together with an exposition of the reasons and motives which guided him in forming it. The confederacy was to embrace all the then existing colonies; and the rights of war and peace, in respect to the Indian nations, were vested in the general council of the confederates, subject to the immediate negative of the president-general, and the ultimate approval of the crown. It was to possess the farther power "to raise troops and build forts for the defence of the colonies, and to equip vessels of war to guard the coasts and protect commerce;" and for these purposes the general council was to have power to levy such general imposts and taxes as should seem most just and equal.

Besides the venerable name of Franklin, there were enrolled among the delegates to this Congress some others of the greatest distinction in our colonial history. In the course of their proceedings, these enlightened men asserted and promulgated those principles, the reception of which, in the minds of the people of this country, prepared them for future independence, and laid the foundations of our present national government. But the times were not yet propitious-the season had not yet arrived, nor were public sentiment and intelligence sufficiently matured for so comprehensive and liberal a proposition. The master-minds who governed that assembly had gone before their age; and their bold project of continental union had the singular fate of being rejected, not only in England, but by every provincial legislature. By the mother-country, it was probably supposed that union would soon reveal to her colonies the secret of their strength, and afford them the opportunity and the means of giving it effect; while on the part of the colonies, a dread of the preponderating influence of the royal prerogative, in the opera

tion of the proposed system, condemned them to remain for some years longer separate and insignificant communities, emulous in their obedience to the parent state, and in devotion to her interests, but jealous of each other's prosperity; gradually estranged by conflicting pretensions and narrow views of local policy; and in some instances kept apart by mutual prejudices, or the dissimilarity of their institutions and manners. The necessity of union had, nevertheless, been felt; its advantages perceived; its principles explained, and the way to it clearly pointed out; and at length, the sense of common danger and oppression brought the colonies once more together, and led them to adopt the same measures of defence and security, not, indeed, against the vexatious and irregular warfare of the savage tribes, but in resistance to the formidable claims, and still more formidable power, of the mother-country.

When the first attack was made by Parliament upon the chartered privileges of the colonists, and their inherent rights as subjects of the English law, by the celebrated Stamp Act of 1763, a congress of deputies from all the colonial assemblies was recommended by the popular branch of the Massachusetts Legislature; and in the month of October, in that year, delegates from most of the provinces assembled at New-York. Without delay or hesitation, they published a declaration of the rights and griev ances of the colonists, in which they asserted their title to the enjoyment of all the rights and privileges of British subjects, and especially the exclusive power of taxing themselves. They complained more particularly of the act of Parliament imposing stamp duties, and other direct taxes in the colonies; and their remonstrances were so far successful that this obnoxious measure was rescinded, although its re

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peal was accompanied by a declaratory assertion of the power of Parliament to tax the colonies in all cases whatever.

This reservation, however, of the abstract right gave little umbrage to the colonists, who regarded it merely as an emollient for the offended pride—a salvo for the wounded honour of Great Britain, and verily believed that no new attempt would be made to reduce the principle to practice. But it was soon discovered that they had reposed too much faith in the intelligence, prudence, and moderation of the British statesmen of that day. Before two years had elapsed, the very men who had consented to the repeal of the Stamp Act brought into Parliament a bill equally objectionable in principle, though less odious in its features and oppressive in its operation; and this bill became a law, almost without opposition. After a long course of patient remonstrance and constitutional resistance to the execution of this act, a general congress was proposed at town meetings in New-York and Boston, and more formally recommended by a majority of the Virginia Assembly, upon the dissolution of that body in consequence of its opposition to the claims of Parliament. The committees of correspondence established in the several colonies selected the city of Philadelphia as the place, and appointed the tenth of September, 1774, as the time of meeting of the first Continental Congress.

The members of that illustrious body were in general elected by the colonial legislatures; but in some instances a different method was pursued, which, for the most part, was adopted from necessity. In New-Jersey and Maryland, the elections were made by committees chosen in the several counties for that purpose; and in New-York, where the

royal party being the stronger, it was improbable that a legislative act authorizing the election of representatives in Congress could be obtained, the people themselves assembled in those places where the spirit of opposition prevailed, and elected delegates, who were readily received as members of the Congress. The powers with which the deputies of the several colonies were invested were of various extent; although the recommendations for their appointment had been expressed in the most general and comprehensive terms, and requested that they should be clothed with "authority and discretion to meet and consult together for the common welfare." Most generally they were empowered to consult and advise on the means most proper to secure the liberties of the colonies, and restore the harmony formerly subsisting between them and the parent state. In some instances, the powers conferred seemed to contemplate only such measures as would operate on the commercial connexion between the two countries; in others, the discretion of the delegates was unlimited.

Deputies from eleven of the provinces appeared at Philadelphia on the day appointed, and took into immediate consideration the calamitous aspect of public affairs; and especially the sufferings of those colonies which had been foremost and most active in resistance to the oppressive measures of the mothercountry. By a series of declaratory resolutions, they asserted what they deemed to be the absolute and inalienable rights of the colonists, as men, and as free subjects of Great Britain; pointed out to their constituents the systematic aggression which had been pursued, and the impending violence premeditated against them; and enjoined them, by their regard to honour, and their love of country, to re

nounce commerce with Great Britain, as the most effectual means of averting the dangers with which they were threatened, and of securing those liberties which they claimed from the bounty of their Creator, and as an inheritance from their fathers.

This requisition received prompt and universal obedience; and the Union thus formed, and confirmed by these resolutions, was continued by successive elections of delegates to the General Congress, and was maintained through every period of the Revolution which immediately ensued, and every change in our Federal and State Governments, and is revered and cherished by every true American as the source of our national prosperity, and the only solid foundation of our national independence.

In the month of May, 1775, a new Congress, consisting of delegates from twelve provinces, clothed with ample discretionary powers, met at Philadelphia; and soon after it assembled, the accession of Georgia completed the confederation of the Thirteen Colonies of North America. These delegates were instructed to "concert and prosecute such measures as they should deem most fit and proper to obtain a redress of grievances ;" and, in more general terms, corresponding with the formula of classic antiquity, to "take care of the liberties of the country." Charged thus solemnly with the protection of the common rights and interests, the representatives of the American people prepared for resistance, sustained by the confidence, and animated by the zeal of their constituents. They published a declaration of the causes and necessity of resorting to arms, and proceeded to levy and organize forces by land and sea; to contract debts and emit a paper currency, pledging the faith of the Union for its redemption; and gradually assuming all the powers of na