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would, without doubt, arife in the nation; and in fech a cafe, I am perfuaded, that none, or very few, even of fuck electors, could be induced to vote for a court candidate; no, not for ten times the fum.

THERE may, Sir, be fome bribery and corruption in the nation; I am afraid there will always be fome; but it is no proof of it, that strangers are fometimes chofen; for a gentleman may have fo much natural influence over a borough in his neighbourhood, as to be able to prevail with them to choose any perfon he pleases to recommend; and if upon fuch recommendation they choose one or two of his friends, who are perhaps ftrangers to them, it is not thence to be inferred that the two ftrangers were chofen their reprefentatives by the means of bribery and corruption.

how

To infinuate, Sir, that money may be iffued from the public treafury for bribing elections, is really fomething very extraordinary, efpecially in thofe gentlemen who know many checks are upon every fhilling that can be iflued from thence; and how regularly the money granted in one. year for the public fervice of the nation must always be accounted for, the very next feffion, in this House, and likewife in the other, if they have a mind to call for any fuch account. And as to the gentlemen in offices, if they have any advantage over country gentlemen, in having fomething elfe to depend on befides their own private fortunes, they have likewife many difadvantages; they are obliged to live at London with their families, by which they are put to a much greater expenfe, than gentlemen of equal fortunes, who live in the country: this lays them under a very great difadvantage with respect to the fupporting their intereft in the country. The country gentleman, by living among the electors, and purchafing the necefiaries for his family from them, keeps up an acquaintance and correfpondence with them, without putting himfelf to any extraordinary charge;

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charge; whereas a gentleman who lives in London, has no other way of keeping up an acquaintance or correfpondence among his friends in the country, but by going down once or twice a year at a very extraordinary charge, and often without any other bufinefs; fo that we may conclude, a gentleman in office cannot, even in seven years, fave much for diftributing in ready money at the time of an election; and I really believe, if the fact were narrowly inquired into, it would appear, that the gentlemen in office are as little guilty of bribing their electors with ready money, as any other fet of gentlemen in the kingdom.

THAT there are ferments often raifing among the people without any juft caufe, is what I am furprised to hear controverted, fince very late experience may convince us of the contrary. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation towards the latter end of the late Queen's reign? And it is well known, what a fatal change in the affairs of this nation was introduced, or at least confirmed, by an election's coming on while the nation was in that ferment. Do not we know what a ferment was raised in the nation, foon after his late Majefty's acceffion? And if an election had then been allowed to come on, while the nation was in that ferment, it might perhaps have had as fatal effects as the former; but, thank God, this was wifely provided against by the very law which is now wanted to be repealed.

As fuch ferments may hereafter often happen, I must think that frequent elections will always be dangerous; for which reafon, as far as I can fee at prefent, I fhall, I believe, at all times think it a very dangerous experiment to repeal the feptennial bill,

CHAP. XI.

LORD LYTTLETON'S SPEECH ON THE REPEAL OF THE ACT CALLED THE JEW BILL, IN THE YEAR 1753.

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MR. SPEAKER,

SEE no occafion to enter at prefent into the merits of the bill we paffed the last feffion for the naturalization of Jews; because I am convinced, that in the prefent temper of the nation, not a fingle foreign Jew will think it expedient. to take any benefit of that act; and therefore, the repaling of it is giving up nothing. I affented to it last year in hopes it might induce fome wealthy Jews to come and feitle among us: in that light I faw enough of utility in it, to make une incline rather to approve than diflike it; but, that any man alive could be zealous either for or against it, I confefs I had no idea. What affects our religion, is indeed of the higheft and moft ferious importance. God forbid we should be ever indifferent about that! but i thought this had no more to do with religion than any turnpike act we paffed in that session; and after all the divinity that has been preached on the subject, I think fo fill.

RESOLUTION and fteadinefs are excellent qualities; but it is the application of them up on which their value depends. A wife government, Mr. Speaker, will know where to yield, as well as where to refift; and there is no furer mark of littleness of mind in an administration, than obstinacy in trifles. Public wifdom on fomne occafions must condefcend to give way to popular folly, especially in a free country, where the humour of the people must be confidered as attentively as the humour of a king in an abfolute monarchy. Under both forms of government, a prudent and honeft miniftry will indulge a fmall folly, and will refift a great one. Not to vouchfafe now and then a kind indulgence to

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the former would difcover an ignorance of human nature; not to reift the latter at all times, would be meanness and fervility.

SIR, I look on the bill we are at prefent debating, not as a facrifice made to popularity (for it facrifices nothing), but as a prudent regard to fome confequences arifing from the nature of the clamour raifed against the late act for naturalizing Jews, which feem to require a particular confideration.

IT has been hitherto the rare and envied felicity of his Majefty's reign, that his fubjects have enjoyed such a settled tranquillity, fuch a freedom from angry, religious difputes, as is rot to be parallelled in any former times. The true Chriftian fpirit of moderation, of charity, of univerfal benevolence, has prevailed in the people, has prevailed in the clergy of all ranks and degrees, instead of those narrow principles, thofe bigotted prejudices, that furious, that implacable, that ignorant zeal, which had often done so much hurt both to the church and the ftate. But from the ill-underfood, infignificant act of parliament you are now moved to repeal, occafion has been taken to deprive us of this ineftimable advantage. It is a pretence to disturb the peace of the church, to infufe idle fears into the minds of the people, and make religion itself an engine of fedition. It behoves the piety, as well as the wisdom of parliament, to difappoint thofe endeavours. Sir, the very worft mifchief that can be done to religion, is to pervert it to the purposes of faction. Heaven and Hell are not more diftant than the benevolent spirit of the Gofpel and the malignant spirit of party. The molt impious wars ever made were thofe called Holy Wars. He who hates another man for not being a Chriftian, is himfelf not a Chriftian. Chriftianity, Sir, breathes love and peace and good will to man. A temper conformable to the dictates of that holy religion has lately diftinguifhed this nation; and a glorious diftinction it was!

But

But there is latent, at all times, in the mind of the vulgar, a fpark of enthusiasm; which, if blown by the breath of a party, may, even when it feems quite extinguifhed, be suddenly revived and raised to a flame. The act of laft feffion for naturalizing Jews has very unexpectedly adminiftered fuel to feed that flame. To what a height it may rife if it fhould continue much longer, one cannot easily tell; but take away the fuel, and it will die of itself.

Ir is the misfortune of all the Roman Catholic countries, that there the church and the ftate, the civil power and the hierarchy, have feparate interests, and are continually at variance one with the other. It is our happiness, that here they form but one fyftem. While this harmony lafts, whatever hurts the church, hurts the ftate; whatever weakens the credit of the governors of the church, takes away from the civil power a part of its ftrength, and fhakes the whole conflitution,

SIR, I trust and believe, that, by fpeedily paffing this bill, we fhall filence that obloquy, which has fo unjustly been caft upon our reverend prelates (fome of the most refpe&table that ever adorned our church) for the part they took in the aft which this repeals. And it greatly concerns the whole community that they fhould not lofe that refpect which is fo juftly due to them, by popular clamour, kept up in oppofition to a matter of no importance in itfelf. But if the departing from that measure fhould not remove the prejudice fo maliciously raised, I am certain that no further Itep you can take will be able to remove it; and therefore I hope you will ftop here. This appears to be a reasonable and fafe condefcenfion, by which nobody will be hurt; but all beyond this would be dangerous weaknefs in government. It might open a door to the wildeft enthusiasm, and to the most mischievous attacks of political difaffection working upon that enthufiafm. If you encourage and au thorize it to fall on the fynagogue, it will go thence

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