perience in gold and gems, in the heart of South America. Though they doubted of particulars, they had full faith in the main. The Spaniards believed the way to this region was through the Oronoco, and had sent many expeditions to search it out: Antonio Sedenno, with five hundred men, in 1536; Jala alone in 1560; De Orsua, with four hundred, the same year; Orellana in 1542.* These expeditions were so far only successful as to encourage others. Berreo was now waiting for a re-enforcement from Spain to enable him to renew this enterprise. An earlier authority, and the source of them all, was the story of one Martinez, who, in the capacity of "master of the munition," had accompanied Diego Ordas, a knight of the order of St. Jago, in a voyage to this region in 1531. Ordas, with six hundred men and thirty horse, was said to have penetrated as far as Morequito, and was killed in a mutiny of his men. Martinez, for some negligence, was sentenced by Ordas to be executed, but, instead, was put afloat on the river alone in a canoe, taken up by the natives, carried through the country many days blindfolded, and at last to their capital, "the golden city

* [Hakluyt, iii., 690.-H.]

of Manoa." He reported that he was carried in blindfold, and travelled in it a day and a half before he reached the palace of the inca; that he remained there seven months, and saw there golden statues and shields, plates and armour of gold which they used in war, and many other tokens of vast wealth. He therefore named the country El Dorado, i. e., the golden. He told this on his return, and reaffirmed it on his deathbed to his confessor. This story was reported by Berreo, who was engaged in the same enterprise, and was doubtless believed by Sir Walter. Credulity was the fault of the age, and was more reasonable then than now, as every day brought new rumours of rich countries to be won by adventurous conquest, and grave historians coolly affirmed the most prodigious marvels.*

The reports that came to England with the company were received with much distrust. Little ore was brought to satisfy the public expectation, though of that which was brought, a part, at least, proved good on assay. Sir Walter was accused of false dealing, even of having lain hid in Cornwall all the time of the

[See the passages from Gomara cited by Sir Walter.Hackluyt, 634, &c.-H.]

voyage. From these suspicions he clears himself, with sad earnestness, in his letter to Howard and Cecil,* affirming that he had returned "a beggar and withered," and publishing his confidence in the merits and final success of the scheme, with arguments which, though they may have somewhat fanciful in them, prove the patriot and the hero. "The common souldier," says he, in his eloquent vindication, "shall fight for gold, and pay himself, insteede of pence, with plates of halfe a foote broade, whereas he breaketh his bones in other warres for provant and penury. Those commanders and chieftains that shoot at honour and abundance, shall finde them more riche and beautifull cities, more temples adorned with golden images, more sepulchres filled with treasure, than either Cortez found in Mexico, or Pizarro in Peru; and the shining glorie of this conquest will eclipse all those so farre extended beams of the Spanish nation." Men who could offer, and be touched by such inducements, would engage, with ready heart and resolute hope, in schemes which the commercial prudence of later times would scout as visionary, and turn away from as impracticable. The spirit of heroic adventure had

* [Prefixed to his narrative of his voyage to Guiana.-H.]

not yet given way to the more palpable benefits of a system of colonization, and the difficulty, danger, and vastness of an enterprise was still to many a charm of no less power than gold or precious stones.

But Sir Walter had large views of public policy. "The West Indies," he continues, "were first offered her majesty's grandfather by Columbus, a stranger in whom there might be doubt of deceipt, and besides, it was then thought incredible that there were such and so many lands and regions never written of before. This empire is made knowen to her majestie by her owne vassell, and by him that oweth to her more dutie than an ordinarie subject, so that it shall ill sort with the many graces and benefites which I have received to abuse her highnesse either with fables or imaginations. The country is alreadie discovered, manie nations wonne to her majestie's love and obedience, and those Spaniards who have latest and longest laboured about the conquest, beaten out, discouraged, and disgraced, which among those nations were thought invincible.... Whatsoever prince shall possesse it shall be greatest, and if the King of Spaine enjoy it, he will become irresistible. Her majestie shall hereVOL LF F

by confirme and strengthen the opinions of all nations as touching her great and princely actions.... The charge will only be in the first setting out, in victualling and arming; for, after the first or second yere, I doubt not but to see in London a contractation-house of more receipt for Guiana than there is now in Sivill for the West Indies."

The voyage to Guiana was undertaken partly, perhaps, with a view to restore himself to favour at court by a noble and conspicuous achievement, and partly "by absence to expel the passion of his enemies, and to teach envy a new way of forgetfulness."* His success either way was but indifferent. The public expectation was greatly disappointed; his enemies had time and free room to perfect their schemes against him; and he was not, certainly not at once, received at court on his return, though "there were great means made" for it. But Raleigh's enthusiasm for his favourite project was not without effect.

Immediately on his return he began to make preparations for a second expedition. The lord-treasurer adventured in it £500, and Sir Robert Cecil "a new ship, bravely fur

* [Sir Robert Naunton.-H.]