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with himself, by every kind of civil expression that may be used with truth ; such as, “You understand the game better than I, but you are a little inatten. tive;'or, . You play too fast;'or, 'You had the best of the game, but something happened to divert your thoughts, and that turned it in my favour."

Seventhly, If you are a spectator while others play, observe the most perfect silence. For if you give ad. vice, you offend both parties; him against whom you give it, because it may cause the loss of his game; and him in whose favour you give it, because, though it be good, and he follows it, he loses the pleasure he might have had, if you had permitted him to think until it had occurred to himself. Even after a move or moves, you must not, by replacing the pieces, show how it might have been placed better; for that displeases, and may occasion disputes and doubts about their true situation. All talking to the players lessens or diverts their attention, and is therefore unpleasing. Nor should you give the least hint to either party, by any kind of noise or motion. If you do, you are un. worthy to be a spectator. If you have a mind to exer. cise or show your judgment, do it in playing your own game, when you have an opportunity, not in criticising, or meddling with, or counselling, the play of others.

Lastly, If the game is not to be played rigorously, according to the rules above-mentioned, then moderate your desire of victory over your adversary, and be pleased with one over yourself. Snatch not eagerly at every advantage offered by his unskilfulness or inat. tention ; but point out to him kindly, that by such a move he places or leaves a piece in danger and unsup. ported; that by another he will put his king in a perilous situation, &c. By this generous civility (so oppo, site to the unfairness above forbidden) you may, indeed, happen to lose the game to your opponent, but you will win what is better, his esteem, his respect, and his affection; together with the silent approbation and good will of impartial spectators.

COMMERCE. Commerce among nations as well as between private persons should be fair and equitable, by equivalent exchanges, and mutual supplies ; the taking unfair advantages of a neighbour's necessities, though attended with a temporary success, always breeds ill blood ; to lay duties on a commodity exported which our friends want, is a knavish attempt to get something for nothing. The statesman who first invented it had the genius of a pickpocket, and would have been a pickpocket, if fortune had suitably placed him ; the nations who have practised it have suffered for it fourfold, as pickpockets ought to suffer. Savoy by a duty on exported wines lost the supplying of Switzerland, which thenceforth raised its own wine, and to waive other instances) Britain, by her duty on exported tea, has lost the trade of her colonies.


Of embargoes upon corn, and of the poor. In inland high countries, remote from the sea, and whose rivers are small, running from the country, and not to it, as is the case with Switzerland, great distress may arise from a course of bad harvests, if public granaries are not provided, and kept well stored. Anciently, too, before navigation was so general, ships so plenty, and commercial transactions so well established, even maritime countries might be occasionally distress ed by bad crops. But such is now the facility of communication between those countries, that an unrestrained commerce can scarce ever fail of procuring a sufficiency for any of them. If indeed any government is so imprudent as to lay its hands on imported corn, forbid its exportation, or compel its sale at limited prices, there the people may suffer some famine from merchants avoiding their ports. But wherever commerce is known to be always free, and the merchant absolute master of his commodity, as in Holland, there will always be a reasonable supply.

When an exportation of corn takes place, occasioned by a higher price in some foreign countries, it is common to raise a clamour, on the supposition that we shall thereby produce a domestic famine. Then fol. lows a prohibition, founded on the imaginary distresses of the poor. The poor, to be sure, if in distress, should be relieved ; but if the farmer could have a high price for his corn from the foreign demand, must he by a prohibition of exportation be compelled to take a low price, not of the poor only, but of every one that eats bread, even the richest ? The duty of relieving the poor is incumbent on the rich ; but by this operation the whole burden of it is laid on the farmer, who is to re. lieve the rich at the same time. Of the poor, too, those who are maintained by the parishes have no right to claim this sacrifice of the farmer ; as while they have their allowance, it makes no difference to them whether bread be cheap or dear. Those working poor, who now mind business only five or four days in the week, if bread should be so dear as to oblige them to work the whole six required by the commandment, do not seem to be aggrieved, so as to have a right to pub.

lic redress. There will then remain, comparatively, only a few families in every district, who, from sickness or a great number of children, will be so distressed, by a high price of corn, as to need relief; and these should be taken care of by particular benefactions, without restraining the farmer's profit.

Those who fear that exportation may so far drain the country of corn as to starve ourselves, fear what never did, nor never can happen. They may as well, when they view the tide ebbing towards the sea, fear that all the water will leave the river. The price of corn, like water, will find its own level. The more we export, the dearer it becomes at home; the more is received abroad, the cheaper it becomes there; and, as soon as these prices are equal, the exportation stops of course. As the seasons vary in different countries, the calamity of a bad harvest is never universal. If, then, all ports were always open, and all commerce free, every maritime country would generally eat bread at the medium price, or average of all the harvests ; which would probably be more equal than we can make it by our artificial regulations, and therefore a more steady encouragement to agriculture. The nation would all have bread at this middle price ; and that nation, which at any time inhumanly refuses to relieve the distresses of another nation, deserves no compassion when in distress itself.

Of the effect of dearness of provisions upon working,

and upon manufactures. The common people do not work for pleasure ge. nerally, but from necessity. Cheapness of provisions makes them more idle ; less work is then done, it is then more in demand proportionally, and of course the price rises. Dearness of provisions obliges the manufacturer to work more days and more hours; thus more work is done than equals the usual demand : of course it becomes cheaper, and the manu. factures in consequence.

Of an open trade. Perhaps, in general, it would be better if govern. ment meddled no farther with trade than to protect it, and let it take its course. Most of the statutes or acts, edicts, arrests and placarts of parliaments, princes, and states, for regulating, directing, or restraining of trade, have, we think, been either political blunders, or jobs obtained by artful men for private ad. vantage, under pretence of public good. When Colbert assembled some of the wise old merchants of France, and desired their advice and opinion how he could best serve and promote commerce; their answer, after consultation, was in three words only, Laissez nous faire ; " Let us alone.”-It is said by a very solid writer of the same nation, that he is well advanced in the science of politics who knows the full force of that maxim, Pas trop gouverner, “not to govern too much;" which, perhaps, would be of more use when applied to trade, than in any other public concern. It were therefore to be wished, that commerce were as free between all the nations of the world as it is between the several counties of England; so would all, by mutual communications, obtain more enjoyments. Those counties do not ruin each other by trade, neither would the nations. No nation was ever ruined by trade, even, seemingly, the most disadvantageous.

Wherever desirable superfluities are imported in,

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