in regard to the original notification of his Majesty's determination, and of the motives of it, which being already made, it could not be supposed in London that a repetition of them would be expected from me; and of course no such case has been foreseen in my instructions. But if beyond this, any incidental explanation or discussion should be wished for by this Government, I came fully prepared to enter into them. I even consider them to have taken place between us. I have certainly derived great satisfaction from the several, hours which we have spent in conference upon these subjects, because they have enabied me to remove some misunderstand. Ings, and to refute many misrepresentations, which you yourself informed me of, in regard to the conduct of the British Go vernment." After some further explanatory observations respecting former propositions, Mr Jackson proceeds: "I touch with considerable and very sincere reluctance upon that part of your letter, in which you state that I had not assigned" any reason whatever why the reasonable terms of satisfaction tendered and accepted have not been carried into ef fect. "I believe that I had observed to you, in the words of my instructions, that if his Majesty were capable of being actuated by any desire to retract an offer of reparation which he had once made, his Majesty might be well warranted in doing so, both by the form in which his accredited Minister had tendered that reparation, and by the manner in which that tender had been received. I believe that I elucidated this observation by a reference to the particular expressions which made the terms of satisfac tion appear to be unacceptable even to the American Government, at the very moment at which they were accepted, and which, at all events, put it totally out of his Majesty's power to ratify and confirm any act in which such expressions were con tained. "On the subject of his Majesty's orders in Council, I have had the honour of informing you, that his Majesty having caused to be made to the Government of the United States certain proposals, founded upon principles, some of which were under stood to originate in America authorities, and others to be acquiesced in by them, and having afterwards ascertained, in the manner mentioned in a former part of this Jetter, that the sentiments of the American Government were so different from what they were at first understood to be. I was Hot instructed to renew to you those proposals, nor to press upon your acceptance an arrangement which had been so recently declined. Those considerations induced his Majesty, before the result of Mr Erskine's negotiation was known, to modify the order in Council of Nov. 1807, by that of the 26th of April 1809. The effect of this new order is to relieve the system under which the former orders were issued, from that which has always been represented in this country as the most objectionable and offensive part of it-the option given to neutrals to trade with the enemies of Great Britain, through British ports, on payment of a transit duty. This was originally devised and intended as a mitigation of what is certainly more correct but more rigid in principle the total and unqualified interdiction of all trade with the enemy. If, however, this mitigation was felt as an aggravation, and, as has been sometimes warmly asserted, as an insult, that cause of complaint is now entirely removed. By the order in Council of the 26th April 1809, all trade with France and Holland, and the ports of Italy, comprehended under the denomination of the kingdom of Italy, is simply prohibited altogether. No option is afforded, and consequently no transit duty is required to be paid. In another respect, the order in Council of the 26th April must be admitted to be more restrictive than those of No vember 1807. "The trade with enemies colonies, which was opened to neutrals at the commencement of the present war, by the order in Council of the 24th of June 1803, was continued to be left open by those of November 1807. The order in Council of the 26th of April retracts this indulgence. But it is to be observed, that, since the period when the orders in Council of November 1807 were issued, the opening of the ports of Spain, of Portugal, of the South of Italy, and of Turkey, has afforded a more ample scope to neutral commerce; and that, by the capture of Martinique, in addition to that of almost all the colonies of the enemies of Great Britain, together with the blockade of Guadaloupe, the extent to which the liberty of commerce with enemies colonies applied, has been so far narrowed, that there is little of practical hardship in recurring to the rule, which, however occas sionally mitigated in its application, Great Britain can never cease in principle to maintain. It is farther to be observed, that the order in Council of the 26th of April has this operation highly favourable to neutrals, that restricting the regulations of blockade to France, Holland, and their colonies, and to their territories, denominated the kingdom of Italy, it lays open to the direct trade of neutrals the ports of the north of Europe. "Under Under the order of the 26th April, therefore, while there are on the one hand fewer points of difference to stand in the way of a satisfactory arrangement between Great Britain and the United States, it is possible that there may be less temptation to the latter to enter into such an arrangement, as the extent of their commerce may be, if they please, nearly as great, under the order in Council of the 26th April, as it would be under any arrangement which would affect the indispensible object to which that order applies; or as it would be even without any such order, so long as France, and the powers subservient to France, continue to enforce their decrees. It is, in the same proportion, matter of indifference to Great Britain, whether the order in Council be continued, or an arrangement by mutual consent substituted in its room. Such, Sir, are the grounds on which it has appeared to his Majesty to be unnecessary to command me to propose to the Government of the United States any formal agreement to be substituted for that which his Majesty has been under the necessity of disavowing; but I am directed to receive and discuss with you any proposal which you may be authorised to make to me on this head. "As no disposition has hitherto been shewn on your part to make any such proposal, it has been impossible for me to state by anticipation (nor was I instructed so to do) what might be the answer that I should eventually think it my duty to return to you; consequently I could not have made with that view, the statement contained in the 4th section of your letter, and the three subdivisions of it. Such a statement would have been obviously inconsistent with the former part of my over. ture, which you very correctly record in the 3d section, viz. that I was not instructed to make to you any proposal whatever upon this subject. I must necessarily reserve, until I hear from you what proposals may be deemed proper to make on the behalf of the United States, to state in how far they do or do not accord with the instructions which it has pleased his Majesty to give me for my guidance in this negotiation. "I will only add, Sir, in conclusion of this letter, that his Majesty is very de sirous of maintaining a perfect and cordial understanding with the United States, and of bringing to a complete and satisfactory adjustment all the points of difference that have arisen between the two Governments; and that, agreeing as I do with you most heartily, as to the interest which both nations have in fostering a mutual and solid friendship and cordiality, no zeal or exertions shall be wanting on my part to carry into effect his Majesty's commands for this most salutary purpose. "I have the honour to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, F. J. JACKSON." The Hon. Robert Smith, In conformity with the instructions of his government, Mr Pinkney, the American envoy at London, has presented a note to the Marquis Wellesley, demanding the immediate recal of Mr Jackson. He at the same time delivered a copy of the letter from Secretary Smith to himself, containing the particulars of the accusation upon which this extraordinary application was made. This letter has been laid before congress, with the other correspondence relating to the rupture. He begins with expressing, on Mr Jackson's conduct--the disappointment that was felt, on finding that he had not been charged to make to this government either the frank explanations, or the liberal propositions, which the occasion manifestly required. Instead of this obvious course of proceeding, it was in the outset perceived, that his object was to bring us to resume the subjects of the arrangement of April, in a way that would imply that we were aware that the arrangement was not binding on his government, because made with a knowledge on our part that Mr Erskine had no authority to make it; and thus to convert the responsibility of his government for the disavowal, into a reproach on this for its conduct in the transaction disavowed. In the first instance, it was deemed best, rather to repel his observations argumentatively, than to meet them as an offensive insinuation. This forbearance had not the effect of restraining him from a repetition of the offence; and even on his farther insinuation, nothing more was done than than to premonish him of the inadmis. sibility of so indecorous a course of proceeding. This also being without effect, nothing remained but the step finally taken and there was less hesitation in shutting the door to further opportunities for insulting insinuations, as the disclosures he had made, and the spirit of his discussions, had so entirely shut out the hope of any favourable result from his mission. Mr Smith then states the very head and front of the British minister's offen. ding in the following words: "It was never objected to him that he had stated it as a fact, that the three propositions in question had been submitted to me by Mr Erskine, nor that he stated it as made known to him by the instruction of Mr Canning, that the instruction to Mr Erskine containing these three conditions, was the only one from which his authority was derived to conclude an arrangement in the matter to which it related. The objection was, that a knowledge of this restriction of the authority of Mr Erskine, was imputed to this government, and the repetition of the imputation, even after it had been so often disclaimed. This was so gross an attack on the honour and veracity of the government, as to forbid all further communications from him, Care was, nevertheless, taken at the same time, to leave the door open for such as might be made through any other channel, however little the proba. bility that any satisfactory communication would be received through any channel here." The circular of Mr Jackson to the British consuls is noticed, and "regarded as a virtual address to the American people, of a representation previously addressed by their government." In concluding, he says, "that, with the necessity of the step taken, in refusing further communications from him, and with the grounds on which the president instructs you, to request that he may be immediately recalled," the manner least offensive, that every facility may be afforded to a renewal of the negociation. After a copious analysis of all the letters and arguments that passed and were urged between Mr Smith and Mr Jackson in the course of the short negociation, Mr Pinkney then proceeds to state, that, after the correspondence with Mr Jackson had been terminated, two notes were sent to him, in the name and by the hand of Mr Oakley, the British secretary of legation. The first, he proceeds to observe, required a protec tion for Mr Jackson and his suite. But what surprised him most, he adds, was the reason assigned for the application. There appeared to have been some disturbances between the officers of the Africaine frigate and some of the inhabitants of Norfolk. The language of the newspapers are also hinted at. The second note, he farther observes, seems to be essentially intended as a justifica. tion of the conduct of Mr Jackson in that part of his correspondence which has given umbrage, but which, if inten. ded as a conciliatory advance, it ought not to have been preceded by a demand for passports, nor by the spirit nor the manner in which that demand was made. FRANCE. LEGISLATIVE BODY, DEC. 12. Count Montalvet delivered in the Emperor's name, an expose of the situation of France, up to the first of this month. After having introduced his important narrative by observing the signal victories, generous pacification, the results of the most profound politica combinations, and the maintenance of order in the interior, from the prominent features of the history of the year, which has just elapsed, enumerated under the different heads of public labours, in particular in Paris, charitable establishments, public institutions, sciences, letters, arts, agriculture, manufactures and industry, mines, commerce and trade, finances, religious worship, war and politics, the progress made, advantages obtained, and changes effected, in the course of the said year. Under the head of commerce and trade, he expressed himself in the following manner:-"Commerce, in general, applies itself to draw the greatest possible advantage from the products of agricul ture and industry. Our trade undoubtedly suffers from the present extraordinary state of affairs, which forming, as it were, two masters, one of the European continent, the other of the seas -and of the countries from which they separate, or leave to them no communi cation with France. Our relations with the United States of America are also, for the present, suspended, but as they are founded on mutual wants, they will speedily resume their former course." Under the head of Religious Worship, after having declared," That in France all religions are not only tolerated, but honoured and encouraged," he makes the following observations:-"No well informed person is ignorant of the mis. chief which the temporal sovereignty of the Popes has done to religion; but for this mischief one moiety of Europe would not be severed from the Catholic Church. "There is but one way to free it for ever from such great dangers, and to reconcile the interests of the state with those of religion: it was necessary that the successors of St Peter should again become, undisturbed by worldly concerns, merely a pastor, like St Peter." Under the article of war, a description is given of the advantages obtained in Germany, Austria, Hungary, and Spain, which is terminated by the following remarks: "By the peace of Vienna, France and her allies have obtained considerable advantages, and the Continent of Europe has regained tranquillity and peace. Let us hope that this peace will be more permanent than that of Presburgh; and that the men who deluded the Cabinet of Vienna, after the peace of Presburgh, will not succeed in deceiving it again, after that of Vienna. They would pronounce the doom of their master; for France, ever great, powerful and strong, will always know how to destroy and counteract the combinations and intrigues of her enemies. In the mean time, England, seeing that our armies were employed in Germany, and being always ill-informed, notwith standing the immense treasures she wastes in paying spies, fancied that our veteran troops had left Spain, and the weakened French army would not be able to withstand their efforts. Forty thousand men were disembarked in Portugal, where they joined the insurgents, and flattered themselves they should be able to march to Madrid; they gathered nothing but disgrace from their enterprize. They were met by armies in all places, where they fancied to find only divisions. Forty thousand men March 1810. landed at the same time in Walcheren, and without having commenced the siege, by means of a short bombardment, they rendered themselves, in a fortnight, masters of Flushing, which was coward ly defended. His Majesty ordered a report to be made to him on the subject. The Emperor, generous by rewards to those who, animated with his sentiments, and sensible of what they owe to the honour of France, are faithful to glory and their country; but he severely punishes those who calculate their danger, when victory alone should occupy their mind, and prefer a disgraceful flight to a glorious death. In the mean time, all the departments were in arms; 150,000 men of the National Guard put themselves in motion, while, at the same time, 25,000 troops drawn from the depots assembled in Flanders, and the gens d'armes, formed a corps of 8000 choice cavalry. The English Commander-in-chief, as a wise and prudent man, would not expose his army to dangers more destructive than the plague; he returned to England; all the departments gave striking proofs of their attachment to the Government and Emperor; some districts only in the department of the Saar shewed a contrary disposition; commissioners have been appointed to inquire into their conduct, He commands that private individuals, who have misconducted themselves, shall be deprived, during the space of twenty-five years, of the rights of citizens, and subjected to a double contribution. Over their doors shall be written the words "This is not a French citizen." Under the head of General Policy, the changes are enumerated, which were the result of the peace of Vienna, and the Emperor's views are developed with regard to future important arrangements. "It would have been an easy task for the Emperor to unite all Gallicia with the Duchy of Warsaw; but he would not do any thing which should excite the least uneasiness in the mind of his ally the Emperor of Russia. His Majesty never entertained the idea of restoring the kingdom of Poland. What he has done for New Gallicia was prescribed to him by sound policy and hoFour; he could not surrender to the vengeance of an implacable prince, people who had displayed such fervent zeal for for the cause of France." He then proceeds: "The Hans Towns shall preserve their independence; they shall serve as a medium of the reprisal of war with regard to England. Peace shall immediately be concluded with Sweden. Nothing shall be changed in the political relations of the confederation of the Rhine and the Helvetic confederacy. "Holland is, in fact, only a part of France. A definition of that country may be given, by saying, that it is a continuation of the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt, that is to say, of the great arteries of the French empire. The absolute inactivity of her custom house, the disposition of her agents, and the sentiments of its inhabitants, which tend incessantly to a fraudulent trade with England, have rendered it necessary to exclude them from all commercial intercourse with the Rhine; and thus, placed in a state of morbid compression between France and England, Holland is deprived both of the advantages which clash with our general system, and which she must relinquish, and of those which she might enjoy. It is time that all this should be set right. "The Illyrian provinces cover Italy, give her a direct communication with Dalmatia, procure us a point of imme. diate contact with the empire of Constantinople, which it must be the wish and intention of France, for so many reasons, to support and protect.-Spain and Portugal are the seat of a furiband revolution; the numerous agents of England keep up the conflagration which they have raised. The force, the power, the calm moderation of the Emperor will restore to them peaceful days, Should Spain free her colonies, it will be through her own fault. The Emperor will never oppose the independence of the continental nation of America; that independence is in the natural or der of events; it is just, it agrees with the true interest of all European Powers. Should the people of Mexico and Peru wish to raise themselves to the eleva, tion of a noble independence, France will never oppose them, provided they enter into no connection with England. France is not under the necessity of vexing her neighbours, or imposing on them tyrannic laws, to secure her prosperity and trade. We have lost the colony of Martinique, and that of Cayenne; they were both badly defended. The circumstances which led to their luss form the object of a strict inquiry, although it is not of any weight in the general balance of affairs, since they will be restored to us, in a more flourishing condition, at the general peace." IMPERIAL TREATY OF MARRIAGE. It has at length been officially announced, that the destined bride of the Archduchess Maria Louisa, eldest Napoleon is no less a personage than tria. The following message from the daughter of Francis Emperor of AusEmperor was read in the Senate on the 27th of February, by Cambaceres, Prince Arch-Chancellor, who presided on the occasion: "Senators-We have dispatched to Vienna, as our Ambassador Extraordinary, our cousin the Prince of Neufcha tel, to solicit the hand of the Arch-duchess Maria Louisa, daughter of the Emperor of Austria. "We have given orders to our minister of foreign relations to lay before you the articles of the treaty of marriage between us and the Archduchess Maria Louisa, which has been concluded, signed and ratified. "We have been desirous of eminent, ly contributing to the happiness of the present generation. The enemies of the Continent have founded their prosperity upon its dissensions and divisions. They can no longer nourish war, by imputing to us projects incompatible with the ties and duties of affinity, which we have just contracted with the Imperial House reigning in Austria. "The brilliant qualities which distinguish the Archduchess Maria Louisa have acquired her the love of the people of Austria. They have fixed our regards. Our people will love this Princess from their love for us, until being witnesses of all the virtues which have given her so high a place in our thoughts, they shall love her for herself. "Given at our palace of the Thuilleries, the 27th of February 1810. NAPOLEON." (Signed) After the message was read, the Duke de Cadore communicated to the Senate the |