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ready dropped from her trembling hand. The more fhe contemplates the beautiful object, the more beautiful it feems. His head was covered with flaxen locks, which exhaled a celeftial odour, and floated in negligent ringlets over cheeks redder than the rofe, and a neck whiter than fnow. His fhoulders were adorned with light wings, more brilliant than flowers moiftened by the dew of the morning. At the foot of the couch were his bow, arrows, and quiver. Pfyché confiders attentively all thefe objects, and, inflamed with love, throws herself on her husband, covers him with kiffes, and fears only the moment of his awaking. During thefe tranfports of kindness, the lamp inclines, a drop of burning oil falls on the right fhoulder of the god, who awakes, exclaims, and flies. The unhappy Plyché has only time to feize his feet, to which the continues fufpended, until, her ftrength and her hopes forfaking her, she falls exhausted on the green bank of a river. Cupid perches on the top of a cyprefs, and, with a voice rather plaintive than fevere, reproaches the credulity of his mistress, her foolish alarms, and, above all, the barbarity of her defign. He then took his flight; and Pfyché, when her eyes could no longer behold him, ran in defpair to throw herself into the river,

which, moved by refpect for the god whofe power extends over all the elements, gently landed her on his flowery bank. There the was received by the god Pan, who endeavoured to footh her distress, and exhorted her to foften the refentment of Cupid, by her prayers and tears.

His

As foon as Venus learned that, instead of punishing the infolent beauty who had provoked her indignation by emulating her charms, Cupid had made her his wife, the enraged mother determined to dif arm her fon, to break his bow, and to extinguish his flame. unhappy Pfyché became the object of her crueleft perfecution; and was daily expofed to new dangers and trials. Cupid, fearful that fhe would at length fink under the weight of her calamities, flies to the throne of Jupiter, faithfully relates his adventure, recites the cruelty of his mother, defcribes the unparalleled charms of his mifftrefs, and concludes by requesting that he might be folemnly united to her by the indiffoluble ties of marriage. His petition is approved by the affembled gods; and in order to calm the uneasiness of Venus, who was unwilling that her fon fhould be married to a fimple mortal, Pfyché is admitted into the number of the divinities. Heaven rings with acclamations; Cupid and Pfyché are joined by an eternal union; and the firft-fruits of their marriage is a daughter named Pleasure.'

We hope that the fpecimens which we have given of this agreeable work will justify our pronouncing it one of the most ingenious and entertaining performances on the fubject of antiquity.

MONTHLY

MONTHLY CATALOGUE, For OCTOBER, 1780.

POLITICAL.

Art. 8. An Essay on Conftitutional Liberty: wherein the Neceffity of frequent Elections of Parliament is hewn to be fuperfeded by the Unity of the Executive Power. 8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Dilly. 1780.

TH

HE principal design of the Author of this pamphlet is, to dif countenance any fchemes for fhortening the duration of Parliaments, or any other of thofe plans of reformation which have been propofed by the County Affociations, and to recommend a patient acquiefcence in the prefent fyftem of things. He obferves, that the British Conftitution has excluded those who make the laws from all fhare in the execution of them. This arrangement has produced in Britain, effects which frequent elections could never bring about in the ancient republics, because they were not really fuch. The identity of intereft, which is hereby fo admirably fecured between the people and their reprefentatives, has rendered the interfering of the former, in the common bufinefs of Government, much lefs neceffary than it is in republics. This peculiarity of our Conftitution has even rendered it immaterial, whether the election of our Parliaments be annual, triennial, or feptennial.'

The care which has been taken, in the English Conftitution, to keep the legislative and executive powers feparate and diftinct, has certainly been highly favourable to the liberties of the people; but it by no means follows from thence, that no grievances can arife, which may require the interpofition of the people; and fhould the legiflative be corrupted by the executive, it may be abfolutely neceffary to revert to the primary principles of the Conftitution.

The Writer maintains, that the influence of the Crown may have increased, without any injury to the Conftitution. He fays, if the influence of the Crown has increafed fince the Revolution, it is not a neceffary confequence that it ought to be diminished. Have not the trade, commerce, and manufactures of the kingdom, increased within that period?' He alfo vindicates the Houfe of Peers in their rejection of the Contractor's Bill, because they had a right to do so, if they thought the influence of the Crown was too small.'

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One of his principal complaints is, that our modern demagogues attempt to reconcile things in their nature incompatible. They preach up liberty in all its latitude, but adhere to the prefent divifion of property.' He thinks, that if the oppofition were fincere and confiftent, they would be zealous in the promotion of an Agrarian law. He feems alfo of opinion, that the complaints of the people are not entitled to much regard, unless a decided majority of them join in thofe complaints; which he does not fuppofe now to be the cafe.

Our prefent parliamentary reprefentation is thought, by this Wri ter, to be fufficiently complete and comprehenfive. Doth not every man in the kingdom (he afks), poffeffed of a freehold of forty fhillings a year, give a vote in the elections? Will any man who deferves

to be argued with tell me, that this qualification is not comprehenfive enough? We believe that there are many perfons in this kingdom, who are at least as impartial as the Writer of this pamphlet, and who deferve full as much to be argued with, who think a more comprehenfive plan of parliamentary reprefentation would be a great improvement of the Conftitution. That the present parliamentary reprefentation is inadequate, feems to have been shown in a very forcible and convincing manner, by the late Mr. Burgh, in his Political Difquifitions: but what our Author has advanced upon this fubject is very dogmatical, and fuperficial.

He is diffatisfied with former political Writers of the greatest eminence. Of Mr. Locke he fays, that, between his fpeculations and facts there is frequently little correfpondence.' Lord Bolingbroke, he thinks, writes too much like a republican; and Harrington fometimes ufes the weakeft of all arguments.' He feems folicitous to lead his Readers to this conclufion, that because there always have been abuses in government, therefore these abuses ought to be quietly "fubmitted to.

He fpeaks of perfons of different fentiments from himfelf with great contempt; but fome of his own notions, and particularly that true liberty cannot be maintained in a State without an Agrarian. law, feem to be as Utopian as any of those which he affects to ridicule.

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He fays, this country cannot be impoverished, Ministers cannot touch a halfpenny of the people's money, without the concurrence of Parliament, which implies that the fchemes of Minifters are approved by Parliament. He who goes about to tell the nation, that it is impoverished by its Parliament, deferves the notice of neither.' He wishes much for a restoration of that confidence in our reprefentatives, to which the uniform tenor of their conduct justly entitles them.' He has manifeftly a better opinion of our late Parliaments than Sir Fletcher Norton teftified a few months fince, or than the last House of Commons had even of themselves,-as may fairly be prefumed from their famous vote, concerning the influence of the crown.

There is fomething in this pamphlet which gives it the air of elaborateness, and it is not ill-written in point of ftyle; and yet, fo far as we can judge, the Author's ideas on the fubjects on which he has treated, are far from being accurate, and his arguments are very inconclufive. We are alfo of opinion, that there is no fyftem of ty. ranny on earth, which might not be vindicated on principles fimilar 'to fome of those which are advanced by this Writer.

Art. 9. Corrupt Influence removed, and the Conftitution restored; by a new Plan of Election and Representation in one House of Parliament, and a neceffary Reform in the other. In Two Letters to the People of England. By the Rev. I. Northcote, Chaplain in the Royal Artillery. 8vo. I S. Almon.

This animated Writer propofes to lay the axe to the root of our political evils; and to cleanse the impure fountains of law and government by removing the very means and inftruments of corrupt in'fluence in both Houfes of Parliament; by refloring the true principles of the Conftitution with fhort Parliaments and equal reprefentation, in one; and finally annulling the unnatural union of an ecclefiaftical

polity with the civil, under one fupreme head, who, being the great patron of the church's dignities and emoluments, gains by that means as decided a majority in the other.'

His mode of reforming the reprefentative body of the nation, and procuring us the bleffing of an uncorrupt Houfe of Commons, does not differ materially from what has been propofed by the late excellent Mr. Burgh, in the Political Difquifitions; by Major Cartwright, in the People's Barrier; and other political writers, who have been ftrongly impreffed themselves, and defirous to imprefs the Public, with the idea, that no relief can reasonably be expected from Parliaments, fo long as a majority of the members are more under the influence of the Crown, than of their constituents.

To facilitate the execution of our Author's propofed reformation, he has, in his first letter, sketched out a plan, for which we must refer the Reader to the pamphlet itself; as well as for his bold attempt in the fecond, to diffolve the inveterate and dangerous alliance between Church and State.

Art. 10.

Faulder.

A Letter to the Right Honourable L-d T-W2 L-d H-h Cr of Ed, &c. &c. 8vo. 1 S. 1780.

A fpirited and fevere attack on Administration. After having contrafted the brilliant æra when Mr. Pitt had the direction of the affairs of State, with the politics which have of late tarnished all the glories of the British empire, and involved us in accumulated and fill increafing calamities, the Author takes a view of the great leading characters of Adminiftration—particularly L-d N-h, the E-1 of S―h, and L―d G—G—. The former he compliments for his private and domeftic virtues; but taxes him with inactivity and irrefolution in his public conduct; and confiders him as totally unfit to prefide at the helm in a feafon fo peculiarly critical and alarming as the prefent. To the E-1 of Sh he gives no quarter, either in respect to his private or public character. He charges him with grofs contradictions, and a want of integrity; and flatters himself that no new argument is needed to prove, that the removal of this Minister is devoutly to be wished.'

The Sy of S-e for the A -n Dt comes in for a full share of our Author's feverity. The hiftory of this perfon (fays he) would furnish matter to supply a volume, were it necessary, from the fingle confideration of a man crushed (as one should have thought) beneath a load of ignominy, daring to offer, or being fuffered to in trude himself upon the nation in a great public character.'

To the councils of fuch weak and wicked men as these our Author attributes the misfortunes an indignant fate bath doomed this country to fuffer.

The only perfon he judges qualified to rectify the abufes of Adminiftration, and to rescue the nation (if its rescue be indeed poffible) from abfolute and irrecoverable ruin, is the noble Lord to whom this letter is addreffed. His vaft abilities, added to his known refolution and undaunted fortitude, render him capable of being of the most effential service to the State, of any member of it. The Author's chief object is, to roufe his Lordship to fome bold effort, worthy of the great talents he poffeffes, and the high office he fills, in order to REV. Oct. 1780.

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remove the prefent Ministers from his Majefty's Councils, and introduce a new fyftem of political government, that may restore national honour and public confidence.

It is fomewhat fingular, however, that the Author should be fo eager to commit the arduous task of reformation' to the very man whofe councils have affifted the fchemes which Administration hath adopted; and whofe perfeverance in ONE line of politics hath arifen from that very disposition for which he is complimented by the Author.

Art. II. An Addrefs to the Electors of Great Britain. By one of the People. 8vo. 6d. Faulder, &c. 1780.

An honeft invective against corrupt influence,—parliamentary dependence, &c. attended by a warm exhortation to THE PEOPLE to do themselves justice, by the choice of proper reprefentatives. This account fhews, that the prefent Addrefs appeared before the late General Election; although it chanced not to fall into our hands time enough for infertion in last month's Catalogue.

Art. 12. A Short Hiftory of the laft Seffion of Parliament, with Remarks. 8vo. 1 s. 6 d. Almon. 1785.

The adherents of the prefent Administration will execrate this piece, as a factious and inflammatory performance.'-The friends of Oppofition will speak of it in other terms. They will pronounce it ." an animated and juft representation of the fatal effects of Governmentinfluence over the reprefentatives of the people in Parliament; and well calculated to roufe the free electors of this country, to a laudable refentment of the unconftitutional meafures of a wicked and cor, rupt Miniftry.'-For us, we cannot unrefervedly fubfcribe to either of thefe accounts. It is, certainly, a Splenetic production.-The Au thor's view in writing it, was the fame with that of the patriotic Addreffer in the preceding Article.

Art. 13. A Letter to Lord North, on his Re-election into the Houte of Commons. By a Member of the late Parliament. 8vo. I S. Wilkie. 1780.

Contains a fpirited review of the plans and conduct of the Oppofition-party, during the laft fitting of Parliament. This review is followed by a very handfome encomium on the abilities, conduct, and character of the noble flatefman to whom the letter is addreffed.

Art. 14. A Letter to the Right Honourable Viscount Cranborne, Lord-Lieutenant and Cuftos Rotulorum of the County of Hertford. 8vo. 6d. Almon. 1780.

Occafioned by Lord Cranborne's Protest against the County Petition. It is fenfible and fpirited; it merits the ferious attention of the nobleman to whom it is immediately addreffed, and, indeed, of all who with well to the true intereft of this country.

Art. 15. Letters of Caius, concerning the Times. 8vo. Is. 6d. Margowan. 1780.

Most of these Letters made their first appearance in a Daily Paper; and their republication, in their prefent form, is owing to the defire of feveral perfons of rank and figure.'-They are all on political topics, and written on the fide of Oppofition. The Author's fenti

ments,

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