against all the fecret practices and undermining arts of popery. We take the liberty to add,-cfpecially if the parochial clergy would exert themfelves with greater fidelity and zeal, not fo much in declaiming against the papifts in their fermons, as by instructing the common people in the pure doctrines of Christianity, and genuine principles of Proteftantifin; that they have a right, and that it is their duty, to judge for themselves in religion; that no pretts of any communion in the world ought to hold dominion over their faith and confciences; that they are accountable for themselves; and that mere rites and ceremonies, and human abfolutions are of no importance without a Chriftian temper and a virtuous life: would the clergy be more exemplary in thus difcharging the duties of their office; and be as zealous in promoting Chriftian truth and Chriftian liberty, as their enemies are indefatigable in undermining both, we should not hear fo many conplaints of profelytes being made to the Romish church. But the Bishop goes on; will the church of England continue to fubfit up. on its prefent foundations, confidering the many other adverfaries, befides the papifts, it hath to contend with? It hath the Proteftant Diffenters of various denominations; it hath the Quakers; and it hath the Deitts; and all thefe are continually undermining it, and may they not fucceed?-Had the Deifts the power in their hands, it is not eafy to fay what alterations they might make in the fate of religion; poffibly they might treat the church of England, as they feem willing to treat Christianity itfelf; extirpate them both or poflibly they might make ufe both of the one and the other as an engine of ftate policy: they have never declared themfelves upon this point. But this we know from experience, that unbelievers are no enemies to church power and civil establishments of religion, when they answer the purposes of their ambition and policy and they have been known to promote and fupport them by the most violent and intolerant measures. As to the feveral denominations of Proteftant Diffenters, thole particularly with whom we have had any occafion to be connected, and who have publickly delivered their fentiments upon this fubject, we are very far from being of opi : nion with our Author, that it is their defign to undermine the Church of England as by law established. They appear to be fatisfied with the peaceable enjoyment of their liberties; or, however, the utmolt object of their wishes is a more perfect toleration, and to be freed from the penalties of fome laws, which still hang over their heads, and require qua lifications that many of them cannot in confcience comply with a defire extremely reasonable, and in which it would be an honour to the British legislature to indulge them. Instead of the diffolution, they feem rather to with the increasing purity and perfection of our national church; and have repeatedly expreffed a detire of being admitted to her communion and ministry; and of having fuch a union formed amongst Protestants, as could not fail to do honour to religion, and ftrengthen their hands againft` the common enemy. And, to fhew that this is not advanced without foundation, we refer our Readers to what has been faid in the most public manner, by a gentleman who has long been at the head of the molt confiderable part of the Diffenters; and whole authority will be readily ac knowledged; we mean the learned Docter Chandler, who, in the Cafe of Subfeription reviewed, published in 1748, thus introduces himself: "Years and experience have, I thank God, much foftened my mind, and I have long taken a fincere pleafure in thinking well of, and being kindly affectioned to all, withcut exception, who love the truth in Chit, and to feek after the things that make for peace. The known learning, candour, moderation and piety of many of the clergy of the national church, and particularly of thofe reverend prelates who now fo worthily fill her fees, and who have several of them treated me with great humanity and refpect, gave me the moft agreeable profpect that peace and harmony were growing bleffings amongst us." In another place, speaking of the established church, he fays, "She may remove fome of her inclofures without removing or fhaking any of her foundations or endangering her fafety. She may take away the wall of partition between herfelf and other Proteftants, without weakning any of her fecurities. She may open her bofom to receive into her communion and miniftry all who are willing to enter upon the terms prefcribed by ΝΟΤΕ. Happy fhould we be could this moderation be more generally found; perhaps, as Doctor Chandler fays, years and experience have much foftened their minds. We know that fome principles are like the elements, fupportable and defirable when under proper reftraints, but when these bounds are exceeded, Jike a torrent they bear down all before them, fo that not any thing can ftand against their impetuofity: hiftory the touch-tone of truth gives a most lively picture of this in the following extract from we return to the Bishop, who goes on es; -If the clergy of the Church of Eng- Butler, and fhews what has been felt when Bawl'd out to purge the commons house; "Max 1 320 Ellis's Conftitution of the English. May they not procure their tithes to be changed into ftipends ?"-That would be dreadful indeed! yet if thefe ftipends were fufficient to give encouragement to real merit, to afford a decent and refpectable maintenance, and at the fame time left room for that hofpitality, and beneficence which are fo highly ornamenta in the character of a clergyman, where would be the great inconvenience ? "And will the Bishops and clergy in fuch a state, be able to do as much as they do now against Popery ?"-Our Author thinks they would not others think perhaps that they might eafily do as much as they do now; and probably more : that they might be more attentive to the duties of their office, more apt to teach, lels greedy of filthy lucre, and more able by found do&tine both to exhort and convince the gain-fayers. But he adds, and, in this we most heartily agree with him, "I do not conceive that there is any great danger that they will be brought to this. For the fectaries themfelves are likely to decline in their intereft and influence; especially the Prefbyterians and Independents. They have been of late much divided among themselves,, about particular points of religion, fo that it will be difficult for them to act in concert. The Quakers are most likely to fubfift, because they have a polity: but that being founded on enthufiafm, will grow more and more relaxed until it diffolves." We should imagine that the polity of the Quakers hath a much more folid and permanent foundation than enthusiasm; and were the other denominations of Diffenters to cement themfelves together in the fame manner, they would put themselves in a much more refpectable fituation, and have confiderably greater influence in all public and national affairs. But his lordship adds, with great juftice and picbability, "If the Diffenters fhould continue to act together, yet they will not compats the ruin of the effablished church: becaufe the nobility and gentry will not come into it, much lefs the court. They know that the fectaries are all of them upon a levelling scheme; and therefore though fome of the nobility, have no great concern for the Bishops, or Clergy, upon truly religious principles, yet they will be willing to fupport them as bar June, riers to themselves. Though they may diflike fome bishops, at fome particular times, yet they may think that others of that character may take different meafures. Our Au puthing bills against translations, or fel- is diffufed through the mafs of a nation, 1766. Memoirs of Madame la Marquise de Pompadour. 321 liberty, it appears to be impoffible deftruction of our public liberties; and that a crown under the circumftances how much the complexion of our parliaof ours, fhould fuddenly or in any little ments depends upon the virtue, freedom, time hereafter become abfolute, with the and independency of our people, it beaffiftance of foreign force. But if any comes every Elector in Great Britain perfon thinks, that by the influence of duly to confider, and for the fupport of preferments, the operation of civil offices, that virtue and independency in parlia ments which are to be the prefervation of and the application of money, the crown may gain parliaments, to fuch a degree, the conftitution, the people have much in that they may carry whatever points their powers by frequent elections, which as it is the only medium for this happy they defire, not apparently contrary to the national interefts, I will not difpute end we hope it will be ever preserved and this point with him. The only points infifted on by the people, and for this that I would infift upon are thefe, viz. end, we feel a pleafing cordiality and a That the crown will not be likely to get wifhed for hope that the commendable any parliament to give up any of the ftruggles in a neighbouring Kingdom will great bulwarks of national liberty: that be happily accomplished, better to anno parliament will be fo far influenced as fwer the end, to keep clear this fountain to give up any of the effential points, or of Summum Bonum and fource of national AMEN. great fecurities of our liberty, because happiness. And let every Englishman fay they themfelves could have no equivalent for the lofs of public liberty that they would recoil at the thought of fo deeply injuring their pofterity and their countrymen, even if they could do it with fafety: and lastly, there is no appearance that the ftanding troops, compofed as they are, and will always be, of officers and foldiers of our own nation, would all ftand by the crown in attempts to destroy the conftitution." : fenfible Our Author likewise, in a very and ingenious manner, endeavours to make it apparent, that the antimonarchial party will not probably prevail; and that there are many favourable circumftances to secure and defend our country from the invafion of a foreign force; but these we must not enlarge upon, having already extended this article to a great length. One thing we cannot help remarking, he never seems to fuppofe that we are in danger from the aristocratic part of our government; and yet he cannot but have known that the growing power of the peerage is an obje&t which the friends of liberty and the constitution have long looked upon with fome degree of jealoufy.Upon the whole, we are not told, in what quarter our greatest danger lies; for this there fore we refer to the memorable prophefy of Montesquieu, which we in part mentioned above: The British conftitution will perish, when the legislative power becomes more corrupt than the executive. It is from our parliaments therefore that we are to expect the confervation or the MEMOIRS of Madame la Marquife de I The public feldom judge foundly of what palfes in the cabinet. They hear of the king's ordering armies to march, of his winning or lofing battles, and thereupon they reafon according to their particular prejudices. Hiftory is fcarce more exact, and generally Annalitts are but the echoes of public errors. I shall avoid here all the details that do not 1 not intereft the state, for I write rather the age of Lewis XV, than the history of my own life. A king's favourite is only for the reign in which that prince lives; but truth is of all ages. One must not likewife expect here a circumftantial journal of the gallantries of Lewis XV. The king had many tranfient amours during my fojourning at Verfailles. He faw feveral women; but they had no part in the public affairs. Their reign began and ended always in the bed of the prince. Those weakneffes inherent to human nature belong more to the private life of a king, than to the public history of a monarch: I will fpeak of them fometimes, but it fhall be in a curfory manner I shall fay nothing of my ancestors. The Roman emperors often raised to favour women of a more obfcure birth than mine; but, with out going fo far back, a number of fuch examples are found in the hiftory of our kings. The widow of the poet Scarron, wiro-afcended a degree higher than I did on the throne of France, was not born to come there. It is true fhe was the daughter of a gentleman; but the throne is placed at an equal distance from all women that are not born princefies. A number of injurious anecdotes have been related in regard to my parents. A wretched anonymous fcribbler has gone farther by publishing a fcandalous book, to which he gave the title of the History of my Life. (See p. 326 in 1764.) M. le Comte d'Affry wrote to me from Holland, that this production was the growth of Great Britain. It is referved to the English to fully the reputation of perfons placed in a diftinguished rank at the court of France, and it is faid to be a prerogative of that government to foment a hatred between the two nations. Though my fortune was indifferent, my education was not neglected. I had mafters that formed me to dancing, mufic, and declamation, Jittle talents which afterwards were of service to me for the great eft matters. I alfo applied myself to reading; and when I was thought to be fufciently accomplished, I was married to a man whom I did not love. This miffortune, was followed by a greater, that is, this man loved me. I call it a miffortune, because I do not know of a greater in the world. A woman, not beloved by a man whom the has married without love, enjoys at leaft her indifference. During the first years of my marriage, there was great talk at Paris of the king's gallantries; and his inconftant amours gave a right to all the women who had charms enough to pretend to his heart. The place of Miftrefs to Lewis XV. was often vacant. All the paffions at Verfailies had an air of debauchery. Love in that region was immediately worn out, as being reduced to enjoyment. Delicacy was banished the court; and the whole fcene of fenfibility paffed in the bed of the prince. The monarch often went to bed with a heart full of love, and the next day rofe with indifference. This picture fhocked me, for I confefs that I had already formed the defign of making myself to be loved by that prince. I was apprehensive that a heart accuftomed to paffing amours was no longer fufceptible of attachment; and I blushed before-hand for indulging an inclination, which might leave after it nothing more than a fhort fatisfaction of the fenses; but my defign was formed. I had often feen the king at Versailles without being noticed by him. His looks did not meet with mine. My eyes had many things to fay to him; but they could never speak to him. At laft I faw the monarch, and converfed with him for the first time. It is impoffible to exprefs what paffed within me on this first interview. Fear, hope, admiration agitated my mind in their turns. At first I found myself confufed, but the King fpirited me up. Lewis XV. is the most affable prince of his court. His rank in a têtea-tête converfation lays no reftraint on any one: He is then a thousand leagues from the throne: An air of goodness and candour fhews itfelf in all his actions. Our converfe had for me a thousand charms: I was pleased, and I pleased in my turn. The king fince confeffed to me that he had loved me from this first interview. It was agreed that we fhould meet in private at the caftle of Versailles, and it was infitted that I should take immedi ately an apartment there; but I prayed to keep myself yet for fome time incognito; and, as the king is the politeft man in the kingdom, he granted my request. At my return to Paris a thousand new agitations farted up in my foul. The human heart is a strange thing! We feel the effects of pallions |