His prefent Majefty publicly declared at his acceffion, that he would firengthen: the conftitution in church and state. If the prefent admini@ration properly attends to both thefe points, there is no doubt but his majesty's reign will be happy and profperous; and that it may be fo, is the fincere and hearty prayer of the March 8, 1766.

AUTHOR.

Debates in the Higher Council of the POLI-
TICAL CLUB, continued from Page.

214.

When Arcites was feated, there was for fome time a filence, the members continuing to fpeak to each other; but, after about five minutes interruption, Thermophilus arofe, and spoke to the following effect:

My LORD.

would have been fufficient, in the hands of minifterial power, to have fubverted the conftitution. Her friends, we find, could not reft, until this ber terror was brought to the bar of justice, from whence it was declared to be illegal, oppressive and unwarrantable*, and that too, by every degree of our judicial powert; and, while we are thus bleft and happy, let us extend the influence of this nurtured felicity to a nation who are united to us by every focial tie; and must have their fate with us, whether in adverfity or profperity: If we confider the original of many of its inhabitants, and the intercourfe we have with them, the connection is fo interesting as to with them every advan tage that felicitate mankind: Their notions of liberty they derive from us, are not lefs delicate in their conceptions, and, like us, have gradually advanced to be a flourishing people; and, in the days of trial, were called, by his late majesty, his good fubjects of Ireland. They at Would wish to fee every debate carthis time are foliciting a bill, which is ried on without perfonal reflections, confonant to antient ufage, and fo agree- as we are not now arguing on this occaable to the spirit of the conflitution, that fion against individuals, but for a nation; 'tis only a matter of furprize, how it came a nation, Sir, which has long by its wif to be deviated from. But, however this dom preferved its power even among her may be, let it be the glory of the prefent enemies, and which, I hope, it will never adminiftration to ftrengthen the conflitu- forfeit to her own fubjects. The story tion, and give the people of that kingdom of the monarch who conquered his ene an opportunity of rewarding and diftin- mies, only to fall by his pretended friends, guishing merit. This will keep clear the would in fuch a cafe be applicable to us, stream that flows from the fountain of fhould we by our folly give to the murliberty, and ftrengthen (what I must con- murs of a people, whom we fostered into tend for) the church. We know how power, that authority we acquired withlittle valuable is extent of fortune, with out their affittance; fhould we permit out its concomitants, influence and ref- the viper to deftroy us, when we oripect; this law will be productive of ginally cherish'd it into vigour. both, and effectually answer to preferve the bleffings of the revolution, and fecure to us the Hanover fucceffion, which can only be obstructed by (if I may use the expreffion) their pretended friends.

But thould this requelt, fo univerfally the defire of a refpectable kingdom, be denied them, I fhall prefume to give this advice to the grand inqueft there, and that too in words of great antiquity and import, viz. Good men and true, ftand toge. ther, bearken to the evidence that shall be given you, and true judgment make.

Lord Camden's opinion of General Warrants.

† Since cenfured by the Parliament.

I

"When I confider this fubject, the ingratitude of our colonies ainazes me! What armies have we not raised, what debts incurred, and what blood not spilt, to keep them in fecurity? Our last war was wholly begun on their account; though they were the aggreffors, our most powerful rival was attack'd, though in the beginning with inadequate forces on our fide, upon their account, by our generals; and with our treasures we gave them fecurity, and took off a power that feemed to check their ambition; and this our recompence! Their first exertion of power is against thofe who gave it, and their firft complaints against a law calculated for their own fecurity.

But

For my

ble person who spoke them.
part, I cannot fee how people are un-
grateful in refufing to give the money out
of their pockets, when they fuppofe they
have neither the ability nor a right so to
do. We lay a tax upon the colonies,
which, in their weak manner of reafo-
ning, they do not think themselves enti-
tled to pay. Now is this ingratitude, as
we commonly understand the expreflion ?
It may be infatuation, ignorance, wrong
reafoning, or what you will; but, surely,
it is not ingratitude. If a perfon, to
whom I am obliged for many favours,
comes to me, and defires my coat, not
as a favour, but as his due, am I un-
grateful if I refuse it? it might become
me indeed to give it to him, if he requef-
ted it, upon other terms; but the de-
manding it as a debt, in some measure,
cancels every other obligation. The poor
people in queftion are ready enough
to gratify our request, but not our com
mands; they will give whatever they can
afford; but then I should think it prudent
in us to let them have the pleasure of gi-
ving, and not to have their little taken
from them.

But I know, that talking against national ingratitude, is but beating the air; fince an accufation that falls upon no fingle perton, will be felt by no tingle perton. Yet if they are deftitute of virtue as a people, it is our duty not to refemble them in this refpect; if they be wanting to themfelves, it is our duty not to be fo too. Government must be obeyed; it is deferting our own honour; it is giving up what we owe to posterity, to give up the prefent queftion. There are very many reasons to induce us to be ftrictly tenacious of our honour and our rights, in the prefent inftance. And, firit, the people are very capable of paying the tax which they thus efufe to raile. It is a contradiction in itself to fay that they advantage us two millions a year by their trade with us, and yet are unable to pay a tax of not above an hundred thousand pounds. In all commerce there must be fome mutual advantages; and who can pretend to fay that the colonies, which trade for eight or ten millions annually, are not able to raife one hundred thousand pounds for their own support. No, they will answer, it is not for our support, but our oppression, that fuch a tax is to be levied; it is to pay an army, which, now freed from foreign fears, we do not want, and which, if it be used for any purposes, must be thofe of fill keeping us in fubjection. It is here, my Lord, that the thoe pinches. They cannot abide to be under any government now but their own; their own taxes, their own laws, and their own parliament; fo that we have only weakened ourselves, drained off our useful inhabitants, and fought the ftrongest power in Europe, only to gain the friendship of a fet of people, who will be contented to accept our favours as long as we are willing to grant them, but will immediately ceafe to refpect us, when we difcontinue to ferve them. "

To this EUMOLPUS replied: "My LORD,

When I confider how fmall an object we are contending for, and what a trifle it will be if obtained; but, on the other hand, if deny'd (and deny'd it certainly will be) what terrible confequences will attend the forcing it; I am furprised any can helitate about the repeal. For God's fake, who are we now contending with? not a fingle province, but the whole body of the people, both at home and abroad; not with a mob undisciplined and uninftructed, but countries headed by men inured to fatigue, and killed in the experiences of action. It would be imprudence, it would be rashnefs itself, to oppose such a torrent thus dammed up, to refift the violence of our refolutions. At prefent the exigence of things requires that we should temporize, our own honour, that should be kept untarnih'd by being kept from rash meafures which it cannot fupport, the cries of the colonies abroad, our merchants

Nothing ferves fo manifa

tion for those who have a feeble caule. We are told of ingratitude and pofterity, and I don't know what; which I own to make no more impreffion on me, than I fincerely believe they did on the no

from almost every trading town in the kingdom, all confpire to bid us shorten the deliberation, and feem to fay, that when dangers are grown too violent for a flow remedy, precipitation itself is wifdom.

A Lift of the Minority in the House of Commons, who Voted against the Bill to repeal the American Stamp-A&t.

A Paris, Chez. J. W. Imprimeur, Rue du Colombier Fauxbourg St. Germain, à l'Hotel de Saxe. 1766.

Prix, douze Sous.

Avec Approbation, & Privilege. Veneris, 21o Die Februarii, 1766. Question,

THAT

HAT it is the opinion of this committee, that the house be moved, that leave be given to bring in a bill to repeal an act paffed in the laft feffion of parliament, entituled, An act for granting and applying certain flamp duties, and other duties in the British Colonies and Plantations in America, towards further defraying the expences of defending, protecting, and fecuring the fame, and for -amending fuch parts of the feveral acts of parliament relating to the trade and revenues of the faid Colonies and Plantations, as direct the manner of determining and recovering the penalties and forfeitures therein mentioned.

It was afterwards propofed, to leave out the word repeal, and infert explain and amend,

The question was put, Whether the word repeal fhould remain.

275

Ayes
Noes 167

Teller for the Ayes, Mr. Tho. Town

fbend, jun.

For the Noes, Mr. Rigby.

Peregrine Bertie, Efq;

William Blackttone, Efq; folicitor general to the Queen

Sir Walter Blackett, Bart.

Richard Wilbraham Bootle, Efq;
Thomas Brand, Efq;
William Bromley, Efq;

Hon. Robert Brudenel, Efq; a groom of
the bedchamber to the duke of York, and
colonel of the fourth regiment of foot,
and, lately made, vice chamberlain to
the Queen

Sir Thomas Charles Bunbury, Bart.
Sir Robert Burdett, Bart.
Hon. John Burgoyne, Efq; colonel of the
16th regiment of dragoons
William Matt. Burt, Efq;
Hon. Charles Sloane Cadogan, Esq; fur-
veyor of his Majefty's waters, and
treasurer to the duke of York

Right Hon. Lord Frederick Campbell
James Campbell, Efq; governor of Stir-
ling eaple

Marquis of Carnarvon
Lord Carysfort

Timothy Cafwell, Efq;
Earl of Catherlough
Richard Clive, Efq;

James Edward Colleton, Efq;
Sir John Hynd Cotton
James Coutts, Efq;

Thomas Coventry, Efq; à director of the
South Sea Company
Patrick Crauford, Efq;
Afheton Curzon, Efq;
Sir Hugh Dalrympie, Bart.
Sir James Dashwood, Bart.
Sir John Huffey Delaval, Bart.
John Dickfon, Esq;

Then the main queftion was put, and Sir James Douglafs, admiral of the

agreed to.

White

Thomas Gilbert, Elq; comptroller of the Alexander Mackay, Efq; colonel of the

Francis Holbourne, Eiq; vice admiral of Sir Roger Newdigate, Bart.

Hon. Thomas Willoughby, Efq;
Sir Armine Wodehouse, Bart.
Robert Wood, Efq;

167 Thomas Wordley, Efq; furveyor of the board of works

168 Right Hon. Richard Rigby, Efq;

We shall make no other apology for introducing the following, than a Defire we have that Ireland should ftand as fair an Ornament in the imperial Diadem, as any other Kingdom, and to remove whatever might be conceived to her Difadvantage, in the Opinions of fome very refpectable Authors.

Thomas Thoroton, Esq; secretary to the his purfe, he may, without any great

mafter of the ordnance John Pugh Pryfe, Efq;

Edward Thurlowe, Elq; King's counsel
Hon Henry Frederick Thynne
Sir John Turner, Bart.
Sir Charles Kemys Tynte
Arthur Vanfittart, Efq;

Richard Vernon, Elq;

John Upton, Efq;
Charles Walcott, Efq;
Robert Waller, Efq;
John Rolle Walter, Efq;

Henry Wauchope, Elq; deputy privy
purfe to his Majefty, has a penfion in
Ireland

Hon John Ward, Efq;

Lord Warkworth, aid de camp to the Ireland, and of which the furely has fome

Philip Carteret Webb, Esq;

Alexander Wedderburn, King's counsel
Thomas Whately, Efq;