that hour, be this thy first resurrection. Bless God's present goodness for this now, and attend God's leisure for the other resurrection hereafter. He that is "the first fruits of them that slept," Christ Jesus is awake; he dies no more, he sleeps no more. He offered a sacrifice for thee, but he had that from thee that he offered for thee; he was the first fruits, but the first fruits of thy corn; doubt not of having that in the whole crop which thou hast already in thy first fruits; that is, to have that in thyself which thou hast in thy Savior. And what glory soever thou hast had in this world, glory inherited from noble ancestors, glory acquired by merit and service, glory purchased by money and observation, what glory of beauty and proportion, what glory of health and strength soever thou hast had in this house of clay, "the glory of the latter house shall be greater than that of the former." To this glory, the God of this glory, by glorious or inglorious ways, such as may most advance his own glory, bring us in his time, for his Son Christ Jesus's sake. Amen.

JAMES R. DOOLITTLE

(1815-1897)

AMES R. DOOLITTLE was one of the Northwestern Republicans who helped to decide the issues of 1860-61 for war, and of 1866-70 for reconciliation with the South. They held with Stephen A. Douglas that the South had constitutional rights which ought to be respected, but that these rights were not to be considered at all as against the political unity of the Mississippi Valley. Senator Doolittle represented what this element considered the logic of the situation in declaring that "by every law, human and divine, the same national jurisdiction and the same flag should and must govern the lower and the upper Mississippi.”

Born at Hampton, New York, in 1815, Mr. Doolittle graduated at Geneva (now Hobart) College and removed to Wisconsin (1851) where he was elected judge of the first judicial circuit and in 1856 United States Senator. He remained in the Senate from 1857 to 1869, and was one of the readiest and strongest speakers in it. He was a member of the peace convention of 1861 and opposed all compromises with the South, but as soon as the war was over, he advocated all compromise measures, led the Northwest in the Greeley movement, and made one of the most effective speeches in the Democratic convention which nominated Samuel J. Tilden. He died July 27th, 1897.

THE ATTITUDE OF THE WEST IN THE CIVIL WAR (From a Speech Delivered in the United States Senate, February 24th, 1862, Against Admitting Benjamin Stark as Senator from Oregon)

MR.

R. STARK appears with a record under the seal of the State of Oregon, giving him prima facie a right to a seat; he is conceded to have the requisite age, residence, and citizenship; but several of his constituents, said to be respectable citizens, charge that he is an open and avowed secessionist, and that the Governor who appointed him is a secessionist; and they have forwarded their memorials to this body, accompanied by ex parte statements upon oath to show that he has on various

occasions declared that if there were to be war he would go and help the South to fight; that Davis was fighting in a good cause; that on occasions he has expressed sympathy with secessionists; and on one occasion, on hearing of the news of the repulse of the Union forces at Bull Run, he drank a toast to Beauregard, as a witness believed. To all these charges he replies, in substance, that they are made by his bitter political opponents, and that in many important particulars the declarations of his assailants are false, without specifying wherein.

If I understand this matter, he not only, as it would appear from the declaration of witnesses, has advocated the doctrine that States may constitutionally secede from the Union; but in this letter he declared that nine States then, on the fifth of June, 1861, had already seceded; that our jurisdiction over them had ceased; and, in substance, that we could only get back our jurisdiction over those States by some negotiation. The nine States referred to are, I suppose, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, North Carolina, and Tennessee. Now, he avows his loyalty and offers to take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States. Loyalty to what? What does he mean by the Constitution of the United States? What does he mean by the United States? Does he mean to embrace all the States, or only such as Jefferson Davis and his confederates have left us, only such as they have not usurped to govern by military depotism? Does the flag he is willing to support bear for him only twenty-five stars, or is it still full high advanced, bearing upon its ample folds thirty-four stars- a star for every State? When he raises his hand before Almighty God, and swears to support the Federal Constitution, does he mean to support that Constitution and its supremacy over Florida and Louisiana as well as over Oregon at Pensacola and at New Orleans, as well as at the mouth of the Columbia?

We purchased Florida, gave $5,000,000 to get rid of a foreign power between us and the Gulf of Mexico, and we have expended $40,000,000 to conquer and remove the Seminoles. Does he mean to assert the national jurisdiction there? We purchased Louisiana of France, giving $15,000,000 to get control of the Mississippi River and the Gulf of Mexico. Jefferson made the purchase because he knew that if the mouth of that river were held by a foreign power, it would be our eternal enemy. In

swearing to support the Constitution, does he mean to assert and maintain its authority at New Orleans and to the mouth of the Mississippi River ? Does the lower valley of that river belong to the United States, whose Constitution he will swear to support, or does it belong to some foreign government? That is the question.

I

I speak earnestly, because I feel deeply on this question. belong to the great West. We know and feel the interests and the necessities of our position. It is not only because our instincts for empire are strong, and because our men are hardy and brave, that we go into this struggle so earnestly. It is because we know the grand design of this infernal conspiracy, so long plotting the destruction of the Union, was first to set up a military despotism over the States of the Gulf and on the lower Mississippi; second, to compel the border slave States to join them; and, third, by appealing to the Buchanan Democracy of Pennsylvania, and offering to make that State their manufacturing State, to persuade her to join them according to what was believed to be a pledge given by a Pennsylvanian in the convention which nominated Buchanan in 1856. The traitors believed they could accomplish all this, and then the great West would be cut off from the East and from the South at the same time, and by the same conspiracy, and be compelled to submit to their dictation.

It

Sir, I repeat, we know our interests and our necessities. is not that our sons are any braver or our instincts for freedom any stronger, that they go so earnestly into this struggle. They know it is for existence. It is for them like a death struggle. They know that by every law, human or divine, the same national jurisdiction and the same flag should govern and must govern the lower and the upper Mississippi—the flag of liberty and Union, or the flag of rebellion and despotism. There is and there can be no neutrality or compromise. The one or the other must prevail. We believe that justice, law, reason, and constitutional liberty itself are all staked upon the issue of the struggle. We go into it, therefore, with all the power and energy which God has given us.

I

IN FAVOR OF RE-UNION

(From a Speech Delivered in the National Democratic Convention-St. Louis, June 28th, 1876)

BELIEVE, as much as I believe in my existence, that if ever a great responsibility rested upon a convention, it rests upon this convention now and here. That responsibility is to take such measures, to lay down such a platform, and to put upon it such candidates as will make our success certain in the overthrow of the party in power.

This party in power is a great and powerful party. Do not let us deceive ourselves by supposing that it is weak. I know that party. I have known it long and well. I have fought with it, and I have fought against it. I know it inside and out, through and through, and I tell you, gentlemen, that that party for the last fifteen years has been a war party, imbued with the spirit, accustomed to use the methods and practices which surround military encampments, not only during the war, but after the war had ended, in the reconstruction of the South. Guided by that spirit, this party in power, after the war had closed, three years after the war had closed, almost,- I saw them take, in the Senate of the United States and in the House of Representatives, such action and such proceedings as could only be justified by military ideas, acting not as civilians in the administration of law, but as the leaders of military forces in the organization of the States of the South, in order to gain an unlimited control of both houses of Congress by a two-thirds' majority, which could overrule the veto of the President. I saw in the Senate of the United States, by the domination and despotic exercise of this power, a gentleman upon the floor of this convention was driven from the Senate (I refer to Mr. Stockton of New Jersey), and in order to get the vote which was necessary to obtain that two-thirds majority and accomplish that purpose, I saw one Senator, who from the committee reported in favor of Mr. Stockton, break his pair with the colleague of the Senator from New Jersey, confined by sickness at home.

By that act of revolution against law and all the usages of the Senate, they usurped that two-thirds majority which has ruled this country with military and despotic power from that day to the present moment. Having acquired this two-thirds