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This fhort narrative, which could not poffibly be longer for want of the neceffary apparatus for making philofophical obfervations, has given us much pleafure in the perufal. Mr. Edens, 1717, afcended to the fummit, and it took him a day and an half to go and return. His de fcription, in the Philofophical Tranfactions, No 345, p. 317, Baddam's Abridgment, VI. 172, is fuller and more minute; and he mentions caverns, pools of water, and pine-trees, which efcaped Mr. Rav, unless we fuppofe their route was different. Dr. Thomas Heberden, brother of Dr. William, afcended the mountain fince, and gave an account of it in Phil. Tranf. XLVII. p. 353, and the falt he thence brought is analyfed in the fame Tranfaétions, LV. P. 57. He fet out from Oratava at two P. M. fix leagues from the pic, whofe foot he reached at eight in the evening, and tarried there all night, making fires for warmth; afcended a fteep, loofe, fandy foil, for a quarter of a league, and then as far among volcanic mailes, to the cave of Teyde, 15 feet wide at entrance, and to the water over ice 12 or 14 feet. At another quarter of a league is a plain of fand, with a yellowish pyramid of fand or cinders, called the fugar-loaf, covered with fnow the greatest part of the year, about oneeighth of a league to the top. At eight in the morning gained the crater, 12 or 15 feet deep, about 40 fathoms diameter, nearly circular, the ground hot, and full of fpiracles. In a niche of one of the rocks the drop brimstone is condenfed by the vapour. Dr. H. makes the perpendicular height of the pic 2566 fathoms, the fummit vifible above the clouds in fine weather, but capped with a thick white cloud against rain.

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The mummy defcribed in our vol. XLIII. p. 46, was brought from the peak by Capt. Young, 1772.

178. Memoir of a Map of Ireland, illuftrating the Topography of that Kingdom, and containing a fort Account of its prefent State, Civil and Ecclefiaftical; with a complete Index to the Mat. By Daniel Auguftus Bearcroft, LL D. Rector of Navan, in the County of Meath, and Vicar of Cotton, in the County of Louth, M. R. I. A.

THE difficulty of afcertaining the ecclefiaftical divifion of Ireland, and the limits of each diocefe, and the unac

* The year, month, and day, are not mentioned; but the paper was read Feb. 6, 1752. GENT. MAG. Auguft, 1793.

countable intermixture of the ecclefiaftical and civil divifions, firft fuggefted to Dr. B. to form an entire new map of the kingdom, on two fheets, by a fcale of fix inches to a mile, from the best authorities and the most authentic infor mation he was able to procure. A perfect, correct map cannot be expected till every county has been accurately furveyed. Sir William Petty, 1655, furveved all the forfeited lands, under which defcription the greater part of moft counties, and the whole of others, were included. Since that period twelve counties have been furveyed. In this map Dr. B. has endeavoured to give a faithful reprefentation of the face of the country, by delineating, with all the precifion in his power, the courfe of rivers, the fituation and comparative height of mountains, and the relative fize and confequence of towns and villages. The fources of his information have been Sir William Petty's published maps, and his original furveys of the feveral baronies and parishes, preferved in, the furveyor-general's office in Dublincattle, and from various printed furvevs and excellent drawings. The aftronomical obfervations are by the late Dr. Ufher, profeffor of aftronomy in the university of Dublin, and others. Latt• ly, the Doctor employed two fummers in vifiting the different counties and remoter parts; and the registries of the diocefes fupplied him with parochial information. He does not, however, enfure abfolute perfection to his map.

"The neceffary limits of fuch a memoir preclude more than a mere fketch of the prefent ftate of the kingdom. But if I thould have the happiness of finding that this effay is received with indulgence, I may, perhaps, at a future day, offer to the publick a more full and particular account of Ireland. In the part which relates to the church, I fhould propofe to trace the hiftory of each diocefe, and to mark the in its eftablishment, from the earliest pevarious alterations which have taken place riod; to state with precifion the circumftances of every parish, the valuation in the king's bocks, the firft-fruits, crown-rents, procurations, and other charges to which they may be liable, with any peculiarities that relate to them. In the other part, [ would treat the topography of the country interefting at prefent, but minutely enquire hiftorically, and not only defcribe what is into the feveral changes that have been made in the divifions of provinces, and the diftributions of counties, in the names of places,

the

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the face of the country,, and the territorial and Irish confumers (p. 13). To deproperty, by confidering the growing pend entirely on our Weft India planprofperity of the kingdom, the gradual but trs for a fupply of this commodity, or vaft increafe of its population and opulence, to neglect any means of reducing the and the connexion of each, with its efficient caufe. I would trace the operation of in- price contiderably, would be the height of folly and infatuation (p. 26). It is ternal diffentions and foreign invafions in univerfally admitted that this kingdom former ages, and the happy confequences owes al its importance, and most of its that flow from the fettlement of the councomforts, to commerce, which can only try, the progress of civilization, and the imbe retained at its prefent eminence by provement of arts, manufactures, and comfel ng the produce of every community merce in later times." on the cheapest terms, by our merchants continuing to be carriers to market of all our home productiors and manufac turers, as well as that of our dependen's and our ports to be the univerfal depôts of all foreign merchandize. The Weft Indians have tacitly fubmitted to this maxim by not oppofing that claufe, in the act of iafi fellion, which opens Naffor the reception and re-fhipping of fofau, in New Providence, as a free port, in Weft India fugar to Great Britain and elfewhere (p. 27).

At the end of the memoir is given an explanation of Irish words, which occur most frequently in names of places; and a copious index to the map, forming a topographical repertory to the kingdom of Ireland.Then tollows a defcription of the map and its conftruction; rccount of lieland in general, and of its feveral counties; ecclefiaftical divifion of Ireland; 2436 parithes, forming 1123 benefices with cure of fouls, and 111 finecures, 1001 churches, and 354 g'ebe-houtes; 366 benefices are deft tute of glebe; a poffcript on the increase of population, which is at this day 3,850,cco perfons (Sir Wm. Petty cftinated it only at So0,000); lift of round towers; the returns of the collectors of hearth-money, 1695, a million. The annual value of all the exports of Ireland amounted, on an average of the last feven years, to 4,357,0col. The gloffary, index, and lift of fubfcribers, conclude this valuable memoir, companion to a map of equal merit.

179. The Right of the Weft India Merchants to a double Monopoly of the Sugar-market of Great Britain, and the Expedience of all Monopolies, examined.

THE object of this fenfible writer is, to refute the claims and complaints of the Weft India merchants refpecting the fugar-trade, and to eff. &t an equal par ticipation of it for the Eaft India merchants. The Minißer fhould not omit any measure which promifed to fupply this market with fugar as cheap as polli ble, nor the Eaft India Company omit to avail themselves of every fair occafion which offered for extending the culture and improvement of their fpacious and fertile provinces, and the profitable trade of their chartered conftituents (p. 5) If the late annual export of 12,000 hogf heads of fugar was a furplus of Wit India produce, after fatisfying the British and Irish markets, the hipping-off double that quantity would create fcatcity, and enable the planters to levy any contribution they chofe on Briti

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The author proceeds to ftate the actual inainfic value of the East and Weft Indies, and their refpeftive commerce, to Great Britain, the probable improvements of which each is capable, under the influence of proper encouragement and impartiality (P. 30-35).

"In this comparative view the exports to both, under their respective monopolies, ap pear nearly equal; thofe to the Eaft have fince confiderably increafed, and are in a ftate of progreflive augmentation. The im parts of the Company alone, exclufive of the trade of individuals under their licence, already amount to more than the whole of those from the Weft ndia iflands. It is impoilible to eftimate how much farther they may extend, when to them shall be fuperadded the supply of fugar now and hereafter expected to be called for, and the numberless feights and unrestrained importation may

other articles of produce, which reduced

enable Great Britain to attract from that quarter of her dependencies*. The duties appear at prefent in favour of the Weft Indies, but may be expected to augment here after on the contrary fide, as the Eaft India trade increases. In Arict fairness we ought to take into this account the whole fum deducted from tea, and levied in taxes by the Commutation-act, fince the plea made use of for laying thofe additional burthens on the people was to allow them in another way, by an expected reduction of the price of the commodity, as well as to prevent the fmuggling of it. The whole commerce of the India Company appears to be carried on with nearly half the capital employed by * He derides the American maple-fugir.

the

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the planters. The fixed property and population of India exceed thofe of the islands beyond all proportion. The parent state of Great Britain benefits confiderably by a perpetual addition to the national wealth, not merely of the intereft or incomes, but all of the capital fortunes which are uniformly brought from India to this country by every fuccessful adventure. The furplus revente of that country is another fource of British opulence and fplendour. The quotients, which form this revenue, are declaredly the property of the nation, while th fe of the inlands are poffeffed by private men. The direct navigation, or rather tonnage, is the greateft, at prefent, on the fide of the iflands, which is accounted for by recollecting the more bulky part of their commodities. When importation fhall be equally free, India will very foon employ a greater number both of thips and mariners" (p. 35 3c).-"We have endeavoured to demonftrate the comparative magnitude of thefe two monopolies, and how far the reciprocity of intereft between us and each of them refpectively fhould induce Government to prefer either to the other, in its encouragement of the general commerce of Great Britain; not merely how far it would be justifiable in continuing to fanction this double monopoly of a neceffary of life to one of them, which it may easily, under proper regulations, obtain at half the coft from the other. That is by no means the whole question. It behoves is

to enquire whether more than opportunity of
fair competition fhould be granted at all
(P. 39)—“A miniter of this kingdom,
who has not long ago perceived the real
point on which this important question
ought to be determined, would be i'l-quali
fied for his eminent station. It is not which
of the two dependencies are to obain a pre-
ference over the other by a partial difpenia
tion of his favour, but which of the two, at
the prefent moment, most needs Lis pa-
tronage and encouragement, and from which
of them the mother-country has most benefit
to expect in return. If the ene (which, ac-
cording to fome refpectable authorities, has
been the cafe) has proved an eternal fponge
on the capitals of this country, both national
and commercial, and a conflant fource of
anxiety and expence on every alarm and
commencement of hoftilities againit any
other power; if many of our most confider-
able merch, nts have become indifferent to
their commiffion and tired of fupplying their
infatiable calls for money to carry on an ex-
penfive cultivation, took the first favoura-
ble opportunity of getting home their mort-
gages, and relinquishing all connexion with
t'e iflands for ever; while, on the other
band, a well-founded confiden e is created,
that the reverfions alone of our immenfe
territory in the Eaft are capable not only of
fupplying the expence of all its own internal
eftablishments, civil and military, but, more-

over, of contributing largely to the augmentation of our naval strength, and to the exclufion of all rivals in the most extensive trade of the univerfe, will furnish all the funds or capital for conducting that trade, and leave a large furplu- behind to clear off its own incumbrances, and afterwards to eafe the national burthens of the mothercountry. When all thefe important objecis can be obtained by adopting mild and, liberal principles of government over the natives, who require only to be left unmolefted in their customs and religious prejudices, and a liberty to purfue their hereditary employments, after the manner of their forefathers," from time immemorial, for their own benefir, and at their own d fcretion; with fuch a contrait before his eyes, if any partiality claimable, who will hefitate a moment on which fide to beftow it? Nothing more have been demended for India beyond equal *, duties and unreftrained cultivation" (p. 76-78).

180. A general View of the actual Force and Refources of France, in January 1792. T which is added, A Talle, frewing the Depreciation of Affignats, arifing from their Increafe in Quantity. By William Playfair.

MR. P's opportunities of knowing facts that very few Englishmen can know, gives him an advantage in difcuffing his important fubje&t, and enab es him to detect the common fallacy adopted in eftimating the forces and refources of a nation whofe fituation is quite new in the annals of the world.

"We are told that France has 2,400,000 armed men ready to engage her enemies, when we should be told that the bas 2,400,000 who are not able to keep peace in their respective departments. We are told that France has difcovered a method of

being able to fupport an expence of 7,000,occl. fterling a month, when we fhould he told that he has found a nicthod of running 7,0cc,cocl. a month in debt, without any poflibility of ever paying it, and with a certainty of being very foon deprived even of that rumous refource. We hear that France is free, and that the whole nation (a few Aristocrats excepted) is contented and happy, when there is neither fatety for individuals, liberty of opinion, nor unanimity, the lowest dregs of the people being, in Paris and every where elfe, the conductors and tyrants of those who have the vanity to fay they govern, and the wesknefs to imagine that any one believes them. We are told, by themselves, that their fuccefs in September, Otober, and November laft, was owing to their courage and good generalfhip; when, in fact, it was owing to ill conduct and great miftuķes in their enemies."

Thefe

Thefe delufions Mr. P. combats, and fhews "there never was a time when France could fend fewer men into the field, for any continuance of time, and fupply them with neceffaries, than at prefent. They can neither pay nor clothe their armies. Can there be a clearer proof than this of the neceflity of order, arrangement, and industry, to create force? and can any thing fhew more diftinctly the fallacy of eftimating revenue by reams of paper, or force by the total number of armed men? The whole nation, fay they, is a camp, and precifely for that reafon there is not one regiment of well-accoutred foldiers. To oppofe the Duke of Brunswick's army of 60,000 men, whole villages were depopulated of the flower of their youth in the Northern parts of France; and I fay it from certain knowladge, that the numbers who died from difeafe and fkirmishes amounted, in three months, to three times the whole number of their enemies. As to finances, when the affignats were first iffued, there was a great quantity of real fpecie in France; the Government created them rather for the pay ment of debts than for the ufual purposes of the treafury. The lands of the Clergy, feized by the first Affembly, ferved as a pledge for the reimbursement, or rather annihilation of thefe affignats; and thus there was a real value in the paper fo created. The progrefs of burning, and the hopes of peace, quietness, and a revenue from taxes when the Conftitution fhould be finished, gave, deservedly, confiderable credit to a paper which, fince thefe hopes have vanished, and fince its quantity has been fo prodigioufly increafed, deferves no credit at all, nor obtains much. By degrees, however, the new affignats created became more numerous, and, ceafing to be paid to public crediters for reimbui fements, began to be employed for every fort of payment, and fupplied the place of taxes to the public treasury. The affignats paid to the poor, or the merchants, ceafed to be employed in the purchase of church lands; it was immediately paffed in trade; the gold and filver, by degrees, became dear and fearce: fmall affignats became neceffary, and were created; fo that, before the end of the year 1791, a traveller might go from one end of France to the other, and fee neither gold, filver, copper, nor any other currency but the allignats, which were at 28 per cent. lofs. The Conftitution was finifhed, and was accepted by that well-meaning, good-his praife, contrived to gain time till nothing natured, and ufeful King who has fo lately paid fo dearly for his good intentions, who has expiated, in fo cruel a manner, his fatal complaisance to a fet of levelers, whofe ambition and vanity could bear no fuperior, but who were too ignorant to fee that they would themfelves be among the number of the victims which their own hands were

preparing. Inftead of tranquillity and peace,
the Conftitution brought on more troubles,
and their termination feemed not now to
be fixed. A general miftruft took place,
mixed with defpondency, and the affignats
feverely felt the fhock. That the affignats
hardly varied in value, and even rofe in the
horrid maffacres of September 2, 3, 4, and
5, is a plain proof that collateral circum
ftances, and confidence in the ruling fyftem
of affairs, regained the value of the affignats.
Since the Republick has overrun Brabant,
and threatened the whole of Europe in a fit
of folly and infolence, their credit finks, and
the death of their Monarch, which they pre-
tended would enfure their profperity, has
fill augmented their difcredit. Thus the
famous Republick, with its claws extended
on all fides, is like a crab, and goes back-
ward instead of advancing” (p. 19).—" [
think it is likely that when the affignat falls
to one-third of its value, the order of prices,
with regard to buying and felling, will be fa
altered and confufed, that it will occafion an
almoft total difcredit of that paper; and I
imagine that difcredit maft take place to-
wards the month of May or June next, or,
at fartheft, by September, thould our war
with them continue. As foon as the affignats
ceafe, the power of the present Govern-
men', if Government it can be called, will,
ceafe; but not till then; for I do not at-
tempt to deny that, fo long as the alignat
docs fell at a certain price, it is not much
matter what that price is; for two reams
of paper, inftead of one, will do, and for the
moment anfwer the fame end, the only dif-
ference being, that it fhortens the career"
(p. 23).

Mr. P. is of opinion, the only method of making war on France was to depre ciate her credit, instead of combating her leaves to others (p. 24-16). He attri troops. The manner of doing this, he hutes the failure of the Dake of Brunfwick's campaign to his violent manifefto, which frightened his friends from acting. Notwithstanding which, Mr. Playfair is of opinion, that," with all the advantages the French had of meeting their enemy, in a fick and famithed condi tion, in the heart of their country, in far inferior numbers, it is much doubted whether, if a battle had been given, they would not have loft it: and though the Duke, certainly with a great thare of art, and much to

but a fhameful retreat was poffible for his enemies, yet did he not once date to attack that difeafed army in its retreat, infomach that all Europe imagined there was a fort of peace made with the King of Prullia. That this was not the cafe, has fince been clearly evident; and the Duke's enterprifing fpirit gives every reafon to believe, that if then he

did not act, it was becaufe he knew he could not act fuccessfully” (p. 32).—“The overrunning Brabant and Savoy is neither a new fort of occurrence in war, nor any thing wonderful; nor are fuch exploits, in general, of the smallest advantage. Invafions and foreign wars must be fupported by welldifciplined troops, prudent generals, and good precautions taken, by fupplies, but not by great and numerous armies, which it is impoible to fupply at a distance. The -Brabançons will not exfily unite with the French But it is one of the tricks of French legiflavors and commiffioners to make the voice of the minority appoint that of the majority, and thereby give every thing the appearance which fuits their wishes and their interefts. The state of things then has heen, during the laft campaign, the most favourable that was poffible for armies fuch as France poffeffes; yet there is not a fingle infance when, with equal numbers, they have gained either a battle or a fkirmith. At Jemappe their number was treble that of the enemy; and though it was their artillery that obtained them the victory, they loft four times as many men as their enemies. The numbers who have perifhed from cold, hunger, and difcafe, among the French, as well as in fkirmishes, are as furprisingly great as, by the statements to the National Affembly, they appear furprisingly fmall: even at Paris the people are not the dupes of that artifice; for thofe volunteers who have returned have fometimes told the truth, though it is clear they dare not make it public” (p. 15).

"The prefent campaign, whether England had engaged in it or not, must be very different from the laft. The finances of France are prodigiously more exhaufed, and the remains of the unfortunate houfe of Bourbon are all with the confederate armies. Difcipline will not be much melio. rated in the French armies fince last year; the foldiers of liberty quit their pofts when they chute; and the new army will be formed, this fpring, chiefly from raw recruits. The manning and commanding of a navy are very different from ending out a land-army. The fleet cannot be furnished with necellaries, nor will the officers undertake to command men who will obey only during their own good pleasure.-Ever fince the Revolu tion, France has been in want of grain, and obliged to have fupplies, because the circulation in the interior, from one town to another, has been greatly interrupted, and agriculture, in fome degree, neglected; the circulation continues to be interrupted; the harvest was neglected last year; and men in arms confume much more than men at home. England may reckon much on the ignorance of all the fe employed in the marine and war departments, and the spirit of contradiction, which frustrates exertion in every country where there are people of different parties" (p. 35-42).

"The question of war or peace it was not my bufinefs to difcufs. It is certain, that, fhould France fucceed in her projects on the Continent, England muft, in the end, fubmit. I do not, indeed, imagine that France would fucceed, though England remain neuter; but the poffibility of her doing fo would, in that cafe, be greater; and for that reason we ought, in prudence, to bear our part in putting an end to her career. Ic feems very clear, that, from a war with France we have at prefent very little to fear; we may reft aflured it will be a short one; and I am convinced, that, if we act in concert with the powers on the Continent, and if, instead of a bloody manifefto, liko the Duke of Brunfwick's, a wife and mild one fhall precede the army that is to enter France, nothing will be more accceptable to the great bulk of the French nation than to fee order re-established, in any manner that may form fomething like a reasonable government" (p. 43).- "An attempt to invade us would only rid France of fo many men, who muft foon inevitably perifh by famine in their own country. The diftrefs of the artizans and manufacturers in every branch of luxury is better felt than defcribed; and there are many perfons to whom revenge is fweet. I am far from thinking the majority of the nation guilty; on the contrary, in Paris, where the guilt is certinly the greateft, I am certain that nine out of ten deferve cenfure only from not having courage enough to act when it was neceffary. Men, individually brave, do not al ways act in civil broils as if they were so, becaufe, as no fingle exertion can produce any good effect, they only at when they have confidence in others, who will act with them. Now, unfortunately for the inhabitants of Paris, as they had been accuf tomed to a fort of implicit confidence in affairs of government, and were obliged, all at once, to become governors, ignorant, at the fame time, of the true bafis of liberty and its first principles, which it is too late for men to learn on a fudder, at years of maturity, there could be no unity nor motraj confidence among them; nor could even the great neceflity of the cafe unite the inhabitants of a city formerly drowned in luxury and pleasure, and, ever fince its revolt, the fport of intrigue" (p. 45)." At prefent it is only by wading through oceans of blood, and letting adverfity and time teach wildom to them, that they can ever eftablifh liberty. Nay, it is more probable they will fall under the hand of fome defpot before they can ac complish their defign; for, at present, governed as they are by the lower order of the people, who are the dupes and agents of the moit defigning among themfelves, Revolution must follow Revolution, until Poverty and Equality, or Mifery, put an end to the conteft: for, as long as they who take the lead can have the means of enriching themfelves,

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