1 tried, an alteration in the law, operating upon them, must be deemed an ex poft facio law; if any alteration, therefore, was neceffary or convenient, it would be far more fitting to leave fuch alteration to operate upon the petitions in a fubfequent Parliament than upon thofe in this. For his own part, however, he faw no neceffity whatever to alter the law, for, if the House exercised the powers inherent in it, the talk would not be difficult to obtain a fufficient number of Members, the natural and proper courfe prefenting ittelf of commanding Adjourned. their attendance. H. OF LORDS. February 21. The Houfe, in a Committee of Privileges on the election for Scots Peers, propounded feveral queftions to the Judges, who were ordered to attend on Monday to deliver their opinion. In the Commons, the fame day, Mr. Grey moved a long addrefs to his Majefty, by way of proteft, against the meafures of Adminiftration, and in juftification of the propofitions made by the minority. He did not expect, he fad, that the motion would be accepted; he could, however, hope that it might, as it would, in his opinion, fave the country from ruin. Major Maitland feconded the motion. The Chancellor of the Exchequer faid, as the motion juft made was merely a re capitulation of the arguments advanced by Gentlemen on the oppofite fide of the Houfe, against the whole of the meafures of Adminiftration relative to the affairs of France, he would content himfelf by obferving, that thofe, who had oppofed the arguments re- capitulated in this motion, were bound to give it their direct negative; it would have his molt decidedly. Mr. Drake, jun. faid, the ben fpeech he could make to this elaborate, volu. minous, and circuitous, attempt of the Party to protest against the virtuous decifion of the great majority of that House, was No-To all the late propofitions of those Gentlemen, commonly termed the Party, the public echoed, No!-To the meatures puifued by his Majefty's Minifters, they chearfully and chorally fang Aye! Aye! Aye! The queftion was put on the Address, and negatived without a division. Mr. R. Smith (Member for Nottingham) read a petition, signed by 25co perfons of the town of Nottingham, praying for a Reform in Parliament. The petition among other things, flated the reprefentation of the people to have paffed away, and that, in its ftead, there exifted the groffeft abufe of the rights of the people. That their rights were ufurped in a manner which induced Members of that Houfe not to look to the people, but to others for approbation. It propofed, as a reform, the empowering all adults to vote for reprefentatives; and to fhorten the duration of Parliament.-Mr. Smith moved for leave to bring up the petition. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was of opinion that the Houfe could not, confiftent with its own dignity, and regarding the rights of the people whom they reprefented, permit a petition, like that just read, to be laid on their table. He would not fay any thing upon the propofitions of opening the election of reprefentatives to all adults, and the fhortening the duration of Parliament, nor would he enter upon the question of a reform, that not being before the Houfe; all he contended for was, that petitions prefented to that House should be couched in refpectful terms. The prefent was not fo couched, but charged them with ufurpation, and denied even the exiftence of a Conftitution, by declaring that the reality had been long gone, and that they were mocked by a mere nominal reprefentation. By refuling to receive the prefent petition, the Houfe could not be shutting their ears against petitians for reform; they would only be maintaining that dignity which it was their duty to maintain, by refifting every thing that was not brought before that branch of the Conftitution with due respect. Mr. Fox did not approve of the word. ing of the petition, but was fill in favour of the motion for having the petition brought up; conceiving that the Houfe fhould be lefs nice upon a complaint of the grievances in the reprefentation than upon any other complaint. Mr. Lambion faid the Houfe had agreed to the bringing up of Mr. Tooke's petition, which was, in his opi nion, more difrefpectful than that now offered. Deeming that cale a precedent, he woud vote for bringing up the prefent petition. Mr. Secretary Dundas said that Mr. Tooke's petition had been laid on the table, on the opinion of the Houle that the controverted election act bound the Houle, Houfe, without a queffion, to receive every petition complaining of an undue cleation. Mr. Smith ftated, from the authority of his conftituents, that nothing difrefpe&ful was intended against the prefent House of Commons-the paffage objected to he wished had been expunged-what was meant, however, by that paffage, was merely that abufes had, by length of time, crept into the reprefentation, deftroying its origimal principle. Mr. D. P. Cake lamented the infertion of the objectionable paffages, and imputed the blame thereof to the Affociated Society for Reform, which had led the people into the error now complained of. He faw the propriety of receiving the petition in a light frong enough to induce him to divide the Houfe upon the queftion. Mr. Ryder faid, the caufe of the petitioners would not fuffer injury by the House not receiving the prefent petition, as the fame objects might be pe titioned for in a manner more respect. ful. Mr. Burke was decidedly against the petition, which went to ftate that we bad no Conftitution, that the Members of that Houle were ufurpers, and yet to thofe ufurpers had the petitioners applied for the formation of a Conftitu tion. He condemned the petition as audacious and feditious, and charged the Revolution Society with being the propagators of fuch fedition. The friends to fuch petitions as the prefent were enemies to the great and invaluable right of petitioning; for, fuch petions muft either deftroy the right, or, by their admiffion, open the door to a torrent of libels, which the Houfe would merit the moment they should receive them deliberately. Meffrs. Grey and Sheridan spoke in defence of the Revolution Society. They acknowledged their diflike to the wording of the petition, but contended that it ought to be permitted to be brought up. The Mafer of the Rolls, Colorel Hartley, and Mr. Wigley, were against the petition being brought up. The question being pur, a divifion took place; and the motion was nega tived; there being for bringing up the petition Ayes 21.-Noes 109. Feb. 22. The Stockbridge Committee reported that Forfter Baron and George Porter, Efqrs. were duly elected; and that John Scott and John Cator, Efqrs. the fitting Members, were not duly elected. Allo, that notorious bribery was proved, which deferved the most serious confideration of the House. Mr. T. Grenville, after lamenting the non-attendance of Members on balloting days for controverted elections, propofed as a partial remedy for the untried ones of the prefent Parliament, "That the Houfe be called over on Wednesday the 6th of March next. That fuch Members as do not attend the call (excepting those on actual naval or military fervice, or on the circuits, or on grand juries) fhall be taken into cuftody by the ferjeant at arms, and their names reported to the Houfe. Paffed unanimoufly. Mr. M. A. Taylor called the attention of the Houfe to a motion on the subject of the erection of barracks in various parts of the country. His arguments were chiefly grounded on thofe of Judge Blackstone, who fays, that "Nothing ought to be more guarded against, in a free ftate, than making the military power, when fuch an one is neceffary to be kept on foot, a body too diftinct from the people. Like ours, it should wholly be compofed of natural fubjects; it ought only to be enlifted for a short and limited time; the foldiers alfo should live intermixed with the people; no separate camp, no barracks, no inland for. treffes fhould be allowed, and perhaps it might be fil better, if, by difmifting a ftated number, and enlifting others at every renewal of their term, a circulation could be kept up between the army and the people, and the citizen and foldier be more intimately connected together." He concluded by moving, "That the uniform and perfevering oppofition made by our ancestors to the erection of barracks was founded on a just un, derftanding of the true principles of our excellent Conftitution, and founded upon high and legal authorities, whose recorded opinions were, that foldiers fhould be quartered with the people-and that no camps-no barracks-no island for. tifications, could be permitted with fafety to the liberties of the people." The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the paffing on to the order of the day, which was put and carried without a divifion, and Mr. Taylor's motion, of courfe, was loft. (To be continued.) The 632 General Yearly Epißle of the Quakers. The Epifle from the Yearly Meeting, Leld in London, by adjournments, from the 20th to the 28th of the Fifth Month, 1793, inclufive, to the Quarterly and Monthly Meetings of Friends in Great Britain, Ireland, and ilfewhere. DEAR FRIENDS, "WE falute you in Gofpe! love, and in a degree of that humility, which a clofe in fpection into the ftate of our religious tociety at this time hath produced: for, although we may thankfully acknowledge that we have not found things in fo neglected a condition as in feme former years; and fome incrca g concern appears to have n vested the minds of many brethren for the fupport of cur teßimonies; yet næch remains to be dong, and much I borioas exereife of fpirit to be patiently ende.ed, before our Sion can become, fo eminently as we truft the is defigned to be, the pfe of naFriends! may every one of you, tions. who may read or hear this our tinder Clutation, clofely and effectually confider in what inftance, and to what degree, he obftruéls, in his practice, the accomplishment of a degn fo gracious. "Our meeting hath been large, and, through the mercy of our Holy Head and High Prieft, hath been favoured with the, renewed affiftance of his fpirit; and, although divers matters have occurred which have been fubje&ts of confiderable difcuffion, we have afreth experienced the prevalence of Christian condefcenfion. for "The account of fufferings brought in "Our correfpondence with our brethren nefs and benevolence, for fleadiness, per- be "From Philadelphia we learn that Friends have alfo had at heart to be inftrumental in promoting a pacification with the frontier and other lodians; in which benevolenturthemfelves; who, having been accutomed, pofe they are encouraged by the Indians for more than a century, to just and kind treatment from Friends, have been induced "At our laf yearly meeting, we were enmeribers ag inte to tepe's much confidence in them. gaged to cantion on from the ftedfafines which we may polers fering the voice or party to draw any of us in Chrat; and aow, when war i its rav ges in the adjac nt natics, we are again concerned to exhort fries, lit, on allocations, they evince the ve indued the followers of the face of Peace. As we profe's to be restrained from jomi ag in a practice fo defolating to mankind, let us not indulge the fpirit of it in ourfelves, or encourage it in others, by making the events of war a frequent fubject of conversation; thofe warring lufts in ourfelves, to which * but, fo far as we are truly redeemed from enabled, he frequently engaged in fecret the Apostle afcrites its origin, let us, as fupplication to the God of the fpirits of all fleth, that it may pleafe him "to break king wars to ceafe unto the end of the earth;" the bow, and cut the fpear in funder; maand to enlift the nations under his holy banner, in oppofition to thofe iniquities which are a reproach to the profeffion of Chriftianity. "Many have been of late the overturnings an failures in the commercial world; and We defire these things may operate fome amongst us have not efcaped the difgrace. as a call to all of us, who may need the cau tion, to contract rather than to enlarge our plans for the acquifition of wealth. Let us contracting our wants and limiting our defooner endeavour to fecure a competency, by fires; recollecting, that, as Chrift, our great example, declared his kingdom not to be of lowers make it the ftorehoufe of their treathis world, fo neither can his faithful folupon earth, where moth, and ruit, doth fure. "Lay not up for yourfelves treasures corrupt, and where thieves break through fares in Heaven, where neither moth, nor and steal: but lay up for yourfelves treabreak through nor teal. For, where your ruft, doth corrupt, and where thieves do no treasure is, there will your heart be alfo." Signed, in and on behalf of the Yearly GEORGE BRAITHWAITE, Meeting, by "Clerk to the Meeting this year." 66 + Pfal. xlvi. 9. *James iv. 1. 142. The 13 FR 142. The Wisdom and Goodness of GOD, in reprobate with more truth than I do both baving made both Rich and Poor: A Sermon the means and the end of this change. The preached before the Stewards of the Weft- end has been the establishment of a repubminster Difpenfary, at the Anniverfary lick. Now a republick is a form of governMeeting in Charlotte-ftreet Chapel, April, ment which, of all others, I most dislike;— 1785. With an Appendix. By Richard and I diflike it for this reafon: becaufe, of Watfon, D. D. Lord Biflop of Landaff. all forms of government, fcarcely excepting The Second Edition. 1793. the most defpotic, I think a republick the 'ROM Prov. xxii. 2 the Bishop very moft oppreffive to the bulk of the people; ably vindicates the wifdom and expedi- they are deceived in it with the fhew of li ency of that inequality which neceflarily berty; but they live in it under the most fubfifts among mankind. We could odious of all tyrannies, the tyranny of their equals. With respect to the means by with pleafure detail his arguments, and which this new republick has been erected the duties which he recommends, both in France, they have been fanguinary, fato poor and rich, arifing from this very vage, more than brutal. They not merely difpenfation of things; but we haften to fill the heart of every individual with comthe Appendix, which we feel it our duty miferation for the unfortunate fufferers, but to give in its fullest extent. they exhibit to the eye of Contemplation an humiliating picture of Human Nature, when its paffions are not regulated by Religion, or controuled by Law. I fly with terror and abhorrence, even from the altar of Liberty, when I fee it stained with the blood of the aged, of the innocent, of the defenceless fex, of the minifters of religion, and of the faithful adherents of a fallen monarch. My heart finks within me when I fee it streaming with the blood of the monarch himself. Merciful God! strike speedily, we hefeech thee, with deep contrition, and fincere remorfe, the obdurate hearts of the relentless perpetrators and projectors of thefe horrid deeds, left they should fuddenly fink into eternal and extreme perdition, loaded with an unutterable weight of unrepented, and, except through the blood of Him whofe religion they reject, inexpiable fin. "With regard to France," fays this animared Prelate, "I have no hesitation in declaring, that the object which the French feemed to have in view at the commence. ment of their Revolution had my hearty ap probation. The object was to free themfelves and their pofterity from arbitrary power. I hope there is not a man in Great Britain fo little fenfible of the bleffings of that free Conftitution under which he has the happiness to live, so entirely dead to the interefts of general humanity, as not to with that a Conftitution fimilar to our own might be established, not only in France, but in every defpotic state of Europe; not only in Europe, but in every quarter of the globe. "It is one thing to approve of an end, another to approve of the means by which an end is accomplished. I did not approve of the means by which the firft Revolution was effected in France. I thought that it would have been a wifer meafure to have abridged the oppreffive privileges, and to have leffened the enormous number of the nobility, than to have abolished the order. I thought that the State ought not, in justice, to have feized any part of the property of the Church, till it had reverted, as it were, to the community, by the death of its immediate poffeffors. I thought that the King was not only treated with unmerited indig aity, but that too little authority was left him to enable him, as the chief executive magistrate, to be useful to the State. These were fome of my reafons for not approving the means by which the first Revolution in France was brought about. As to other evils which took place on the occafion, I confidered them, certainly, as evils of importance; but, at the fame time, as evils in feparable from a state of civil commotion, and which I conceived would be more than compenfated by the establishment of a limited monarchy. "The French have abandoned the Conftitution they had at first established, and have changed it for another. No one can GENT. MAG, July, 1793 "The monarch, you will tell me, was guilty of perfidy and perjury. I know not that he was guilty of either. But, admitting that he has been guilty of both, who, alas! of the fons of men is fo confident in the ftrength of his own virtue, fo affured of his own integrity and intrepidity of character, as to be certain that, under fimilar temptations, he would not have been guilty of fimilar offences? Surely it would have been no die minution of the fternnefs of new republican virtue, no difgrace to the magnanimity of a great nation, if it had pardoned the perfidy which its own oppreffion had occafioned if it had remitted the punishment of the king to the tribunal of Him by whom kings reign and princes decree justice. "And are there any men in this kingdom, except fuch as find their account in public confufion, who would hazard the introduction of fuch fcenes of rapine, barba rity, and bloodshed, as have difgraced France, and outraged humanity, for the fake of obtaining-what?-Liberty and Equality.--[ fufpect that the meaning of these terms is not clearly and generally understood; it may be of ufe to explain them. "The liberty of a man in a ftate of na ture ture confifts in his being fubject to no law but the law of nature; and the liberty of a man in a state of fociety confifts in his being fubject to no law but to the law enacted by the general will of the fociety to which he belongs. And to what other law is any man in Great Britain fubject? The King, we are all justly perfuaded, has not the inclination; and we all know that, if he had the inclination, he has not the power, to fubftitute his will in the place of the law. The Houfe of Lords has no fuch power; the Houfe of Commons has no fuch power; the Church has no fuch power; the rich men of the country have no fuch power. The pooreft man amongst us, the beggar at our door, is governed-not by the uncertain, paflionate, arbitrary will of an individual-not by by the felfish infolence of an aristocratic faction-not by the madness of democratic violence-but by the fixed, impartial, deliberate voice of Law, enacted by the general fuffrage of a free people. Is your property injured? Law, indeed, does not give you property; but it afcertains it. Property is acquired by industry and probity, by the exercife of talents and ingenuity; and the poffeffion of it is fecured by the laws of the community. Against whom, think you, is it fecured? It is fecured against thieves and robbers; against idle and profligate men, who, however low your condition may be, would be glad to deprive you of the little you poffefs. It is fecured, not only against such disturbers of the public peace, but against the oppreffion of the noble, the rapacity of the powerful, and the avarice of the rich. The courts of British juftice are impartial and incorrupt; they refpect not the perfons of men; the poor man's lamb is, in their eftimation, as facred as the monarch's crown: with inflexible integrity they adjudge to every man his own. Your property, under their protection, is fecure. If your perfonal liberty be unjustly reftrained, though but for an hour, and that by the highest fervants of the Crown, the Crown cannot screen them; the Throne cannot hide them; the Law, with an undaunted arm, feizes them, and drags them, with an irrefiftible might, to the judgement of whom?-of your equals-of twelve of your neighbours. In fuch a Conftitution as this, what is there to complain of on the fcore of liberty? "The greateft freedom that can be enjoyed by man in a state of civil fociety, the greateft fecurity that can be given him, with refpect to the protection of his character, property, perfonal liberty, limb, and life, is afforded to every individual by our prefent Conftitution. "The equality of men in a state of nature does not confift in an equality of bodily ftrength or intellectual ability, but in their being equally free from the dominion of each other. The equality of men in a state of civil fociety does not confist in an equality of wisdom, honefty, ingenuity, industry; nor in an equality of property refulting from a due exertion of these talents; but in being equally fubject to, equally protected by, the fame laws. And who knows not that every individual in this great nation is, in this refpect, equal to every other? There is not one law for the nobles, another for the commons, of the land-one for the clergy, another for the laity-one for the rich, another for the poor. The nobility, it is true, have some privileges annexed to their birth; the judges, and other magiftrates, have fome annexed to their office; and profeffional men have fome annexed to their profeffions. But these privileges are neither injurious to the liberty or property of other men. And you might as reafonably contend, that the bramble ought to be equal to the oak, the lamb to the lion, as that no distinctions should take place between the members of the fame fociety. The burthens of the state are diftributed through the whole community with as much impartiality as the complex nature of taxation will admit; every man sustains a part in proportion to his strength; no order is exempted from the payment of taxes. Nor is any order of men exclufively entitled to the enjoyment of the lucrative offices of the state. All cannot enjoy them, but all enjoy a capacity of acquiring them. The fon of the meanest man in the nation may become a general or an admiral, a ford chancellor or an archbishop. If any perfons have been fo fimple as to fuppofe that even the French ever intended, by the term equality, an equality of property, they have been quite mistaken in their ideas. The French never understood by it any thing materially different from what we and our ancestors have been in full poffeffion of for many years. "Other nations may deluge their land with blood in ftruggling for liberty and equality; but let it never be forgotten by ourselves, and let us imprefs the observation upon the hearts of our children, that we are in poffeffion of both, of as much of both as can be confiftent with the end for which civil fociety was introduced amongst mankind. "The provifion which is made for the poor in this kingdom is fo liberal, as, in the opinion of fome, to difcourage industry. The rental of the lands in England and Wales does not, I conjecture, amount to more than eighteen millions a-year, and the poor-rates amount to two millions. The poor then, at prefent, poffefs a ninth part of the landed rental of the country; and, reckoning ten pounds for the annual maintenance of each pauper, it may be inferred, that those who are maintained by the community do not constitute a fortieth part of the people. An equal divifion of laid would be to the poor a great misfortune; they would poffefs far less than, by the laws of the land, they are at prefent entitled to. When we add to this confideration |