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A NEGRO INDUSTRIAL GROUP 1

E. FRANKLIN FRAZIER

Morehouse College.

INTRODUCTION

It is the purpose of this investigation to present a comprehensive picture of colored longshoremen who comprise one of the largest industrial groups in the Negro population of New York City.

The presence of the Negro in longshore work just as his presence in large numbers in any other industry or in American society at large, creates a peculiar problem. Here the problem is complicated by the casual nature of the work, a situation unrelieved by any systematic attempts at decasualization as has characterized the English situation. The status of the Negro is rendered doubtful, for half-articulate and sporadic protests against his presence in the industry are never absent. During the past decade the number of Negroes in longshore work has increased ten-fold. There is little or no detailed information available concerning these men. A very comprehensive and informing study 2 of longshoremen made in 1910 and 1911 by Mr. Charles B. Barnes, a fellow of the New York School of Philanthropy, makes only casual mention of the Negro as a newcomer and an insignificant factor in the industry.

In view of a problem existing along the waterfront and the absence of material that might shed light on the situation, the writer set himself to work to ascertain such facts as would define the problem, and, perhaps, suggest some lines of improvement. One question naturally arising would be the nativity of the men; for the antecedent environment of these men, as well as their previous occupations, would condition their reactions in the present environment. We know that there was a great exodus of Negroes from the South during the World War. To what extent are Negro longshoremen part of that exodus? Another question of interest would be the extent of unionism among

1 This monograph is the result of investigations begun in March, 1921, by the writer while a Fellow in the Department of Social Research of the New York School of Social Work and completed under the auspices of the Russell Sage Foundation. Miss Kate Claghorn of the New York School of Social Work, and Miss Mary VanKleeck of the Department of Industrial Studies of the Russell Sage Foundation, gave indispensable assistance throughout by helpful criticisms and suggestions.

2 "The Longshoremen." Charles B. Barnes, Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1915.

these men. Concurrent with this question would be, not only the relationship existing between white men and colored men in their union, but the whole question of race relations. Because of the casual nature of this employment, not to mention the present depression in the shipping industry, the economic position of these men would also be the subject of investigation. To what extent are these men able to maintain themselves and families? In cases where longshore work is insufficient, how do they supplement their earnings? Are these men married and stabilized in their habits, or are they migratory workers? Are they members of the church-the main institutional life among Negroes? What is their education? Are they protected by insurance? Answers to these questions and many more would afford the desired insight into this group in New York City.

In order to secure this information it was necessary for the investigator to visit docks, piers, saloons, the homes of the men, union meeting places, and chance assemblages of the men. These visits took the investigator to saloons in the Columbus Hill district, where he found the men lounging, smoking, debating and complaining against their lot. Some showed signs of intoxication from the illicit traffic in liquor which doubtless attracted many to the saloons for recreation. Others were found lolling on the street corners and cellar-doors when the weather permitted. Visits were made to the piers of the Ward, White Star, Transatlantique, and Cunard lines. During lunch hour and while they were waiting for call to duty, the men were interviewed for information. A few men were interviewed at the foot of Wall Street and at a lunch room nearby. Much time was spent in the union rest room on Atlantic Avenue, Brooklyn, where many of the men await the call from the piers. Although these diverse sources were visited for information it was possible to fill out completely during the month of investigation only eighty-two schedules. This was due primarily to suspicion on the part of the men, as well as a stubborn indifference. Explaining the investigation to each man was the characteristic method of securing the information. Often it was necessary to spend a half hour with a man before he would consent to give the desired facts. The general reaction of the men to the investigation will be discussed in the next chapter. Nevertheless, those represented in the schedules are typical of the colored longshoremen for they were drawn from the different branches of longshore work in which colored men are found; from local unions that are colored, mixed and primarily white; from men young and old, both married and single; and from men of every degree of ignorance and intelligence. The study does not take into account the men engaged in the coastwise trade. It represents those engaged in the

deep water trade, of whom, according to estimates, there are about 5,000.

The investigation was not restricted to the longshoremen and their representatives. Employing stevedores, either representing the steamship companies or stevedore firms were interviewed. In order to get a comprehensive view of the situation interviews were held with companies employing Negroes and those that do not. Through these interviews the investigator attempted to ascertain the opinions of the employers as to the comparative working qualities of white and colored men; the policy of the company in hiring them; and whatever was observable in the relation of the two races while working together.

The history of the Negro in longshore work as in industry in general has been a series of invasions, principally during strikes and periods of labor shortage. These invasions have been met by protests on the side of white labor, resulting quite often in violence. In the meanwhile the Negro has been gradually organized. After the strike of 1887 on the waterfront a few were used for the heavy work. It was not until 1895 when the Ward Line employed four gangs of Negroes to break a local strike that the Negro secured a foothold in the industry. As an example of the violent opposition encountered by the Negro worker, a foreman told the investigator that he could recall the time when a Negro could not walk on Atlantic Avenue, Brooklyn, the present location of the rooms of local 968. During the riot of 1899 there was a strike on the Mallory Line. Again the Negroes secured work, not, however, without paying with their blood.

From then on we can trace the rapid increase of Negro workers on the waterfront. In 1902 there were ten day gangs of Negro longshoremen. This number had grown in 1904 to thirty-five, with thirtytwo Negro and three white foremen. With the increase of Negro workers came unionism. This was inaugurated by T. V. O'Connor in 1909. The Italians, who have shown less racial antipathy than the Irish, were the first to admit Negroes. But when the Negro outside of the union proved a perpetual menace as a scab, the Irish decided it was better to admit him as an ally. In spite of union affiliation and equal status with the white-in the absence of any expressed limitations-the Negro is still prohibited from working on some piers. Only recently has he been permitted to work on the White Star piers. This extension of freedom was due to the refusal of the Irish to unload British ships, as a protest against the death of Terence MacSwiney. Such, briefly, has been the history on the waterfront of the Negro who

is still struggling against the restrictions imposed upon him because of his color.3

II

REACTION OF THE MEN TO THE INVESTIGATION

Some reference has already been made to some of the numerous difficulties encountered by the investigator. But here an extended discussion of the reactions of the men will be undertaken; because the reactions represent not only the usual difficulties attendant upon an investigation, but rather a distinct class and racial psychology. Any attempt at the amelioration of the lot of Negroes in industry must have regard for these unique psychological reactions or else be doomed to. meet a cold and indifferent reception from the men.

To characterize best this attitude would be to say that the men as a whole live under the domination of fear and hopelessness. Fear on the part of these men was by no means formless, and, supported by a show of reason, it intrenched itself with the men. Some of the men saw in the investigation designs against the unions, perhaps inspired by the open shop campaign. It was possible for one man who read the daily papers to prevent a score from giving any individual information worthy of recording. A more general fear, supported perhaps by experience, was the fear of schemes inaugurated by the white union men to destroy the colored unions or impair the standing of colored men. The question on the schedule relating to the efforts of the unions to organize colored men furnished for many conclusive evidence that white union officials were getting concrete evidence that the majority of colored longshoremen did not want a colored organizer-a situation revealed to the investigator for the first time by the objections raised. Two hours of explanation failed to dispel these misgivings and suspicions, especially when it was learned that some of the personnel of the Urban League were white. This latter fact was sufficient excuse for more than a dozen to refuse to give information.

So

More potent often than the foregoing fears was a deep-seated and in some instances an ineradicable distrust of their own people. when the investigator approached one man, the latter asked immediately: "What white man do you want to sell me out to now?" This attitude was seemingly the result of numerous experiences with colored leaders

3 The facts of history were secured from a colored foreman. The writer has endeavored to substantiate these statements by checking them up with the information given by other men, and especially by constant reference to Mr. Barnes' work.

promoting enterprises ranging from small business ventures to gigantic schemes for emigration to Africa. Typical of this attitude was the episode related by a longshoreman about sixty years old, and from Georgia. He said that he had resolved in 1882 never to put any confidence in anything promoted or advocated by a member of his race. This resolution on his part was, according to his testimony, due to the activities of a colored preacher who went about the country in 1882 urging Negroes to sell their property and goods and emigrate to Africa. His interpretation of the scheme, which-it is historically true-resulted in a fiasco entailing much suffering, was that the whole affair was a deliberate sale of Negroes to Wall Street. His hearers, who were vociferous in their praise of his understanding and ready in their confirmation of his views with a wealth of similar episodes which they recited, were as staunch as he in their refusal to give any personal information or specific facts concerning the longshore situation.

Just as deceptive schemes have made these men fearful of the designs of others, their hard fare has inspired them with hopelessness, and, where reconciliation to their lot is achieved, resignation. The question constantly put to the investigator was: "What can the Urban League do after they have ascertained the nature of our situation?" The argument offered by a longshoreman from Georgia, who said he owned a farm and eight houses, was representative. He said that the United States government was supposed to guarantee him protection from mobs and the right to choose his governors. "But what does the government do?" he asked. He argued that when the government refused to make good its guarantees what could the Urban League do to make living in Georgia safe for a black man. The longshore situation to him was similar. It was in the hands of white men who could not be moved by anything short of arms, and the Urban League did not possess such power, and even if such methods were used it would be suicidal. He concluded, therefore, and the group about him concurred in his opinion, that the whole investigation was futile. Another source of hopelessness and resignation was the general belief that longshore work was casual and no form of relief was possible. They believed that they were caught in a situation from which there was no escape since they were unfit for any other form of employment. A feeling that labor is helpless in its contest with capital had caused many others to become resigned to their pursuit of a precarious livelihood. Some were inclined to think that the Urban League was the tool of the class against whom they were waging war.

If these causes of hopelessness could be removed, there would still remain a universal and powerful cause of despair. This cause has

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