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Louis Philippe, with his brothers, sisters, and governess, witnessed the destruction of the Bastille; and he was so excited with wild delight at the spectacle, that even the Countess counselled him to moderate the public manifestation of his enjoyment.

He became as democratic as his sire. He surrendered his titles, took the post of doorkeeper in the Jacobin Club, snubbed his mother, called Madame de Genlis "dear mamma," and declared that there were but two things on earth which he loved, and those right dearly; namely, the new Constitution and herself. He fought for the Republic at Valmy and Jemappes, and fled from it as soon as he saw that the scaffold was likely to be his reward, if he tarried within the frontier. He would not serve under Austria against France; and so, penniless and disguised, he became a wanderer. He travelled on foot through Switzerland, under the name of Corby; rejoined his sister, Adelaide, for a brief interval; when, being discovered by the Government of the Republic, the fugitives were compelled to separate. The young Prince did not abandon Switzerland, but procured an engagement in an academy at Richerau, where, as M. Chabaud Latour, he taught the mathemathics to very soft-looking boys, if they at all resembled those in the famous picture in the Palais Royal, at £60 per annum. His whereabout being again discovered, he was forced to depart. He traversed the northern countries of Europe, and ultimately sailed from Hamburg to the United States, where, in the same year, (1796,) he was joined by his young and princely-hearted brothers, Montpensier and Beaujolais. After a four years' sojourn beyond the Atlantic, the exiles landed at Falmouth. The Princes whom we have last named died early, their constitutions having been destroyed by the rigors of their captivity, under the Republic, at Marseilles, and by the sufferings endured by them in an attempt to escape. During the succeeding eight or nine years, the Duke of Orleans was chiefly in England, and never idle. He proposed to Canning to take the command of an expedition to prevent the French from getting possession of the Ionian Islands; and he was sorely tempted into taking an active part against Napoleon in Spain. Luckily for him, he did not assume arms against his country; and, as he could not attain greatness in the field, he resolved to help himself thereto by marriage. In 1809 he espoused the Princess Maria Amelia of Naples, whose mother was the sister of Marie Antoinette. A son was born of this marriage,

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in Sicily, in 1810; and this occurrence afforded him as much enjoyment as an exile could sustain, until the year 1814 brought with it the downfall of the Empire. On a May morning of that year he left Palermo ; and, not many days afterwards, the porter of the Palais Royal was surprised at seeing a goodly-looking man pass the portals, advance to the staircase, and, falling upon his knees, kiss the ground, while he sobbed with hysterical excitement. The strange comer was the Duke of Orleans. His first personal visit in Paris was paid to Madame de Genlis, who received him like a school-dame, and hoped that he had given up all idea of becoming King." He also called upon the leading liberals of the day; and, even then, Lafayette said of him, that he was "the only Bourbon compatible with a free constitution." words were the seeds whence sprang "the best of Republics" in 1830.

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Then came the "Hundred Days," the issue of which Louis Philippe tranquilly awaited at Twickenham. After the crowning day at Waterloo, he repaired again to Paris; and, in the House of Peers there, he took so decided an opposition standing against the Court, that the King withdrew from the Princes of the blood the courtesy privilege of sitting in the Senate.

The Duke had his revenge when the little Duc de Bordeaux was born, the son of an already slain sire. There appeared at the time, in the "Morning Chronicle," a strongly worded protest against the legitimacy of the little Duke. The King charged Louis Philippe with being the author of the protest. The latter vehemently denied the charge; but he republished the protest itself in 1830, when his partisans were placarding the streets with the assurance that he had not in him the blood of Bourbon, but that of Valois. Long before the death of Louis XVIII., he appears to have discussed, with the coterie at Lafitte's, the advantages of a monarchical change in France; and these discussions never failed to be marked by his assurances, that if he could ever wish to become King, the general good, and not self-interest, would be the parent of such wish! In the mean time, he good-humoredly abided his hour. His household was the only "decent" one, in the proper sense of the word, that had ever been held by a Duke of Orleans. He himself was much given, indeed, to " nearness;" and he regulated the expenses of his children's table with a saving minuteness, which shows how admirably nature bad qualified him to be the head of a cheap boarding-school. He knew

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if not every thing, at least a little of every thing; and he loved to teach others, in order that he might exhibit his own knowledge. We have already alluded to the pride with .which he used to speak of his "august ancestor, Louis XIV." Yes, Dumas!" said he, one day to the Secretary, who has since turned historian, "to be descended from Louis XIV., even ouly through his bastards, is, in my eyes at least, an honor sufficiently great to be worth boasting of!" He was charitable upon impulse, rather than principle; but his promised liberality often became "fine by degrees, and beautifully less," when its hour of expected realization approached.

It was only a few days previous to the outbreak in 1830, that he was playing with the youthful Duke de Bordeaux in the gardens at St. Cloud. His affection had never been so expansive. Not many months before, he had refused to accept the office of a Twelfth Night King, at Court, because it savored, as he pleasantly said, of treason. He ever professed too much, just as his wretched father conspired too much; and he was most affectionate to the son of the Duke de Berri, at the moment that he was about to rob him of his birth-right. He, too, had infirmity of purpose. He was concealed when his sister Adelaide accepted the office of LieutenantGeneral of the Kingdom," preparatory to a further step. His own hesitation was remarkably unheroic. When the Duke de Mortemart repaired to him in Paris, he found the Prince stretched on a mattress on the ground, reeking with perspiration and anxiety. No human power, he told the envoy of Charles X., should induce him to accept a throne to which he had no right. A few days after, he had shipped the elder Bourbon branch in two vessels, bound for England. A third accompanied the exiles; and when the latter inquired the object of this third, they were told that the ship of war had orders to fire upon the vessels which bore the fugitives and their scattered fortunes, if a landing were attempted on the coast of France. Such was the last "Good Night!" of the courteous Orleans to the ancient monarchy.

By the elevation of Louis Philippe to the uneasy dignity of King of the French, the title of Duke of Orleans fell to that young Prince whose birth we recorded as having taken place in Sicily, in 1810. He was brought up, not among Princes, but among the people. We have a lively remembrance of his appearance among his fellow-pupils in one of the public colleges, and of the popularity with which the fact itself was hailed.

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He was the last of the Dukes of Orleans, and perhaps the most amiable. The Church, indeed, hated him, because he had married a German Lutheran Princess, and would insist upon her religious feelings being respected. He had been to pay a visit of duty to his royal parents, when, on his return, the horses of his carriage took fright, and in leaping out he was killed. He left heirs who, now in exile, are unwisely taught to consider themselves the heirs of their grandsire's greatness and their father's prospects. They could not well hope for a greater heritage of woe, seeing that, since the days of Louis XV., no French Monarch, save Louis XVIII., has died upon the throne. The Sixteenth Louis perished on the scaffold; the Seventeenth in the Temple; the leaders of the Republic were murdered by their rivals; the Emperor died upon a distant rock; Charles X. breathed his last sigh at Goritz; and Louis Philippe expired in 1850, also in exile, at Claremont. What a warning to those who, since the death of the last-named King, have been eager to reign! What a warning even to him who, most daring, has been most successful!

Eighteen Princes have borne the title of Dukes of Orleans. Four were of the elder branch of Valois. goulême branch of

Five were of the AnValois; the other half of the eighteen princes were members of the House of Bourbon. Of all these, who had grown up to manhood, two alone may be said to have been distinguished for eminent respectability of character, the son of the Regent, and the son of Louis Philippe, King of the French; but even the reputation of these was not unsullied. The greater number perished miserably. The first Philip was killed by excess, Louis was murdered, Charles slowly killed by his quarter of a century's captivity, and Louis (the first Duke who reached the throne) perished through profigacy. Of the second Valois branch, the first who had worn the ducal title was killed, the second and third died prematurely, the fourth perished a moody maniac, and the fifth was assassinated; and of the last five three were Kings. Again, of the Bourbon Dukes of Orleans, the first died ere he left the nursery; the next, Gaston, if public contempt could have killed him, would so have ended his career; the father of the Regent, and the Regent himself, were suicides," slaying themselves by practices of vice; the fifth of the house died with decency; the sixth was the slave of excess, like so many of his predecessors, and he suf fered accordingly; Philippe Egalité was the only one of the ducal line who suffered death

at the hands of the executioner; his son, Louis Philippe, the only one who encountered the Inevitable in banishment; the last Duke perished ignobly on the pavement of Paris. Not one fell in the field or died of the effects of over-zeal in the service of his country. Should the line of Dukes ever be renewed,

let us hope that it may not be said of these, as was said of the Bourbons after the Restoration, that during the days of their adversity they had neither learned nor forgotten any thing. But well may we say, should the ducal line ever be restored :

Ubi cras istud aut unde petendum.

From the Edinburgh Review.

EUROPEAN EMIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES.*

NATIONS, like individuals, have their times | for self-examination, when they pause, survey their positions, glance back upon the past, study the lessons of experience, and gird themselves up for the future. In the summer of 1850, about a year before the last enumeration of the population of Great Britain and Ireland, the Marshals of the United States of America were occupied simultaneously throughout the Republic in ascertaining the number, color, nativity, sex, occupation, habits, and wealth of its scattered population, and in collecting information concerning its resources. The full results of this work still rest in the official receptacles; but the Report of the Superintendent made in December, 1852, gives an abstract of what the "Seventh Census" will be when finished. The complete work, for some unknown cause, is yet unpublished. A large part of Mr. Kennedy's Report is occupied with the subject of the foreign immigration into the United States. Although incomplete, and sometimes, we believe, inaccurate, it furnishes the means for arriving at conclusions as to what has been and is, and gives us grounds for speculation as to what will be.

Most readers are familiar with the chart

1. Report of the Superintendent of the Census for December 1, 1852; to which is appended the Report for December 1, 1851. Printed by Order of the House of Representatives of the United States. Washington: 1853.

2. Notes on Public Subjects made during a Tour in the United States and Canada. By HUGH SEY

MOUR TREMENHEERE. London: 1852.

3. Reports of the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners. Printed for both Houses of Parliament.

4. Letters on Irish Emigration. By EDWARD E.

HALE. Boston: 1852.

prefixed to modern editions of "Gibbon's Decline and Fall," exhibiting the march of the barbarian tribes upon Rome. The exaggerations of the press have accustomed us to speak of the modern "Exodus" from famine, want, and plethora of labor, as if it were a similar movement. As ship after ship leaves Liverpool, London, Havre, Rotterdam, Hamburg, and Bremen, crowded with emigrants for America, we picture that country yielding itself a prey to an ignorant peasantry. We see them in imagination. transferred to its shores, and invested, by the magic of an oath, with the attributes of citizenship; and we turn with sorrow from the contemplation of the probable annihilation of the principles of Constitutionalism in the clashing of Democracy. Nothing can be more unfounded than such fears.

The United States Census of 1790, taken before any acquisition of territory, exhibited a population of 3,221,930 freemen, and 697,897 slaves. There were then thirteen States, in twelve of which it appears that slavery existed its feeble life in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and Rhode Island has long since been extinguished. In 1803, the French province of Louisiana, including most of the country west of the Mississippi, was added to the Union. Florida was purchased from Spain in 1819; Texas annexed in 1844; and New Mexico and California acquired by conquest and treaty in 1848. Five slave States, two free States, and six Territories have been created out of all this country. Two new free States have also been admitted to the Union from the territory of New England since the formation of the Federation, and 5 free and 4 Slave States from the country west of the Alleghanies assigned to the Re

public by the treaty of 1783; thus making in all at present 16 free States, with 142 representatives in Congress, and 32 senators; and 15 slave States, with 91 representatives and 30 senators.

The total population of the United States in 1850 was over twenty-three millions, of which nearly eighteen millions were native whites, over two millions were foreign born, 39,000 were of unknown nativities, and 3,200,000 were slaves. It appears that between 1840 and 1850, 1,569,850 foreigners arrived in the United States, from whence we should conclude, even in the absence of other evidence, that the emigration before 1840 was comparatively small. It began on a large scale only in 1847. From 1820 to 1830 the average number arriving was only 20,000 a year; from 1830 to 1846, about 70,000 a year. In 1847, the famine desolated Ireland; and the revolutions on the Continent, which unsettled the channels of labor, followed the next year. The immigration increased, under the pressure, to 240,000 in 1847, and to 300,000 in 1850; and it is now estimated at the Census Office that the "total number of emigrants into the United States since 1790, living in 1850, together with descendants, amounted to 4,304,416," which we shall assume to be the complete foreign addition to the population of the country between 1790 and 1850.*

All this has, and is to have, a great effect upon the relations between slave and free labor. The free colored population appears to have increased 10.96 per cent. during the decade just past. The slave

* It appears by the last report of the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners that the total Irish emigration from 1847 to 1850 inclusive, was 833,692, nearly all of which was for North America. The Hamburg Emigration Society report the German emigration during the same time as 356,684, of which we assume 96 per cent. to have gone to the same quarter. The Canada and New Brunswick immigration during the same period amounted to 210,904; and, assuming that the emigration from the United States into Canada was equal to that from Canada into the United States, which Mr. Kennedy justifies us in doing, we have as the total German and Irish emigration to the United States from 1847 to 1850 inclusive, according to European authority,

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population, 28.81 per cent.; and the whites, 38.28 per cent.

The regular decrease in the augmentation of the free blacks is one of the remarkable features of the progress of races in America. From 1790 to 1810, the Northern States, under the influence of climate and the spirit of freedom, engendered by the Revolution, were emancipating, or preparing to emancipate, their slaves; and the ratio of increase of the free colored population consequently greatly exceeded that of the whites or slaves. The following decade the per centage diminished; but was increased again, from 1820 to 1830, by the entire abolition of slavery in New York, and a large emancipation in New Jersey, Maryland, and Virginia. the succeeding decade it fell off again; and in the last, as we see, it fails to reach 11 per cent.; and this, notwithstanding the manumission of 1500, and the flight of 1000 slaves a year, if the year 1850, for which alone returns on this head are made, be an example of the general course of things. In some of the States-New York for instance--the number has actually diminished; in others— like the New England States-it has done little more than remain stationary; while, in others, on the Canada borders, and with strong abolition sympathies-Michigan and Ohio for instance-it has decidedly increased.

In

There can be but one solution to this-the degraded social position into which the Negro is forced by the prejudices of the whites, of the North, and particularly of European immigrants. There is no physical reason why the black race should not increase as

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The arrivals at New York alone, in 1852, were 296,438, of whom 118,134 were Irish, and 118,706 were Germans, being a decrease from the year before of 45,122 in the former, and an increase of 48,623 in the latter.

Dr. Chickering, who is excellent authority, estimates the foreign addition since 1790 at 5,000,000, instead of 4,000,000; and the Hamburg Society estimates the German element alone at 4,397,763, a very wild statement. We have adopted the official estimate in preference to Dr. Chickering's, but the difference is of little moment, as the actual foreign-born element remains at 2,000,000, and the results we point out would be substantially the same in either event.

fast, and faster even than the wh'te. The experience of the slave States proves this, where, in spite of a degradation for which no amount of personal comfort can compensate, they faithfully fulfil the Divine command to "multiply and replenish the earth." Sambo is naturally a jovial, good-natured, laughing fellow, full of fun, not without a relish for a practical joke, and ready always for a dance and a bit of banjo music in the open air-especially if Dinah be there, for whom it must be confessed he has a strong liking. He is too fond of his ease to be out of temper for a long time; too much a man of the world to work unless obliged to do so; and by far too much a gentleman to trouble his woolly pate with thinking a great deal. He is a bit of a "swell," we are sorry to say, and loves to deck his ebon beauties in bright reds, and blues, and yellows, but not without a rude idea of taste and harmony of colors if such a thing may be seriously suggested; and so long as Dinah likes it, he cares little whether it be according to the rules of art. He has a certain natural delicacy in the midst of his coarseness which contrasts very favorably with the beer-drinking rudeness of the laborer of some countries nearer the meridian of Greenwich, and a remembrance of good treatment which insures his master against "strikes," as long as he does not strike first. And when he and Dinah at length become one, there seems to be naturally no good reason why woollypated "piccaninnies" should not be as thick around his cabin as ever carroty heads were on an Irish potato patch. In Massachu-exactly the same as in 1850. In 1800 the setts, for instance, they would seem to have every thing in their favor-freedom, plenty of work, equality of laws and rights; and yet his family has increased only 4.5 per cent. in the ten years. The truth is, free Sambo in the United States, with all his freedom and political equality, has no reality of either. His color stamps him for ever in unjust popular prejudice, which is stronger than law, with the caste of labor; and not laborer alone, but degraded laborer, whose mother, and brother, and cousin are slaves, and who ought to be one himself; and, if the truth must be told, all this makes Sambo rather a good-for-nothing fellow. He neglects his family, is unthrifty, gets behindhand, and before long finds himself quite at the foot of the social ladder. Meanwhile Pat has been coming in from Ireland, and has stepped over him; and, in astonishment at finding somebody underneath himself, he becomes the worst tyrant that the poor black has to

endure. The inveterate dislike of an Irishman to a negro is as well known as it is remarkable.

But, while the free black of the North, in spite of his theoretically better condition, has barely held his own in some of the States, his southern cousin has been increasing his family at a great rate. Whether it be that, with plenty to eat, and in the absence of care, his shackles sit lightly on him, or whether it be that he stifles his sorrows in domestic pleasures, we do not stop to inquire. It appears that, from some cause, the natural increase of the slaves has been as great, and greater even, than that of the whites; so that, without foreign immigration, the relative num|bers of the two races, and the relative weight of the two sections of the Union, would not have been materially changed in the sixty years. We do not take into account the trifling difference in the proportion made directly by the acquisition of territory, as the total number of slaves and freemen was small in each case at the time of the annexation, and the effect upon the general result was more than balanced by the abolition of slavery in the North. Annexation has undoubtedly strengthened the "institution," by giving it new States to govern and new fields to cultivate; but not essentially by an actual addition to the number of slaves. Neither do we take into special account the larger percentage of the slave increase from 1800 to 1810, created by the prospective abolition of the slave-trade in 1808; because the proportion of slaves to whites of native descent, in 1810, was almost

proportion was as 1 to 4.94; in 1810 as 1 to 4.78; and in 1850 as 1 to 4.76, deducting in each case the number of immigrants and descendants of immigrants since 1790 from the total white population. This great increase of a population held unjustly in a state of bondage, with freedom and activity all around them, is a remarkable feature in history, and suggests the possibility at some future day of an attempt at a forcible reclaimer of their rights, when they shall decidedly outnumber their masters. If such a struggle should ever come, it would be shortlived and deadly, and would terminate only in the annihilation of the weaker black.

Before 1794 it seemed that this species of labor was about to die out in the natural course of events. In three of the Northern States it had perished; in five more it lived only upon sufferance; and in the South, public sentiment would have abolished it if a feasible way had been proposed. Whitney

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