Christian gentleman. He lived too in an age barren of greatness and his name serves to cast a ray over a dark and cheerless portion of our ecclesiastical annals.

Dr. Doddridge died at Lisbon, where, till very lately, his simple tomb stood disregarded, and the dilapidations of more than half a century had nearly destroyed it; when the venerable Mr. Taylor, formerly pastor of Carter Lane meeting-house, his last surviving pupil and friend, on learning its state, took measures to have it renewed in a durable and handsome manner. To him, this publication must, we should imagine, be a painful mortification.

Art. V.-1. Memoirs of the Emperor Jahangueir, written by Himself; and Translated from a Persian Manuscript. By Major David Price, of the Bombay Army; Member of the Royal Asiatic Society, &c. 4to. pp. 142. London, 1829.

2.-The Travels of Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch: written by his Attendant Archdeacon, Paul of Aleppo, in Arabic. Part the First. Anatolia, Romelia, and Moldavia. Translated by F. C. Belfour, A.M. Oxon, LL.D. of the Greek University of Corfu, &c. 4to. pp. 144. London, 1829.

3.-History of the Afghans: translated from the Persian of Neamet Ullah. By Bernhard Dorn, Professor of Oriental Literature in the Imperial Russian University of Kharkov. Part I. 4to, pp. 184. London, 1829.

IN our Number for June last, we noticed the first Number of

A

this valuable series of Translations, for which the literary world are indebted to the Oriental Translation Committee. Ä brief account of the above curious works will, we presume, be not unacceptable to our readers.

Literary talent seems to have been an hereditary gift in the illustrious house of Timour. Timour himself, Baber, Jehanguire, and his unfortunate grandson Dara, all rank among imperial authors; and Akbar, the father of Jehanguire, was not less distinguished as the munificent patron of learning. Some portions of this auto-biographical memoir have already been laid before the public, by Mr. Anderson, in the Asiatic Miscellany; and Maurice, in his History of Hindostan, refers to a translation of the Tooezk Jehangery, by Gladwin. To the latter, we are surprised that Major Price makes no reference, which he would have done, had he been aware of its existence. These Memoirs will hardly be expected to possess the intrinsic value and interest of Sultan Baber's, so admirably edited by Mr. Erskine. Jehanguire, though a man of talents, was of an order of character very inferior to his accomplished ancestor; and his composition exhibits much more of the Oriental style of magniloquent em

bellishment. After the usual pious preface, a Mohammedan doxology, the Emperor states, that, for a memorial of sundry events incidental to himself, he has undertaken to describe a small por tion, in order that some traces thereof may be preserved on the records of time. He begins the narrative at his own accession to the throne of his wishes,' on the forenoon of the 8th of the latter month of Jummaudy, A.H. 1014, (Oct. 10, 1605), at the age of thirty-six.

Let it not produce a smile, that I should have set my heart on the delusions of this world. Am I greater than Solomon, who placed his pillow upon the winds? As at the very instant that I seated myself on the throne, the sun rose from the horizon, I accepted this as the omen of victory, and as indicating a reign of unvarying prosperity. Hence I assumed the titles of Jahangueir Padshah, and Jahangueir Shah; the world-subduing emperor, the world-subduing king.'

The name which he had received in infancy, was Mahommed Selim, after a holy dervish of that name. And peradventure,' says the Emperor,

I might have been contented to the last with the title of Sultan Seleim: but, to place myself on a par with the monarchs of the Turkish empire (Roum), and considering that universal conquest is the peculiar vocation of sovereign princes, I thought it incumbent on me to assume at my succession that of Jahangueir Padshah, as the title which best suited my character: and I trust, with the aid of a gracious Providence, with length of life, and a favouring star, that I shall so acquit myself as to justify the appellation.'

These self-pleasing anticipations were to be very inadequately realized. But we pass on to the description of the ceremonies which followed his Majesty's coronation.

Having thus seated myself on the throne of my expectations and wishes, I caused also the imperial crown, which my father had caused to be made after the manner of that which was worn by the great kings of Persia, to be brought before me, and then, in the presence of the whole assembled Ameirs, having placed it on my brows, as an omen auspicious to the stability and happiness of my reign, kept it there for the space of a full astronomical hour. On each of the twelve points of this crown was a single diamond, of the value of one lak of ashrefies of five mithkals; the whole purchased by my father with the resources of his own government, not from any thing accruing to him by inheritance from his predecessors. At the point in the centre of the top part of the crown, was a single pearl of four mithkals, of the value of one lak of ashrefies; and in different parts of the same were set altogether two hundred rubies, of one mithkal each, and each of the value of six thousand rupees

Altogether, this superb symbol of supreme power, (calculating the ashrefy at fifteen rupees,) may be valued at £2,070,000 sterling."

For forty days and forty nights, I caused the nuggaurah, or great imperial state drum, to strike up, without ceasing, the strains of joy and triumph, and for an extent of nearly fifty zereibs around my throne, the ground was spread, by my directions, with the most costly brocades and gold-embroidered carpets. Censers of gold and silver were disposed in different directions for the purpose of burning odoriferous drugs, and nearly three thousand camphorated wax-lights, three cubits in length, in branches of gold and silver, perfumed with ambergris, illuminated the scene from night till morning. Numbers of blooming youths, beautiful as young Joseph in the pavilions of Egypt, clad in dresses of the most costly materials, woven in silk and gold, with zones and amulets sparkling with the lustre of the diamond, the emerald, the sapphire, and the ruby, awaited my commands, rank after rank, and in attitude most respectful. And finally, the Ameirs of the empire, from the captain of five hundred to the commander of five thousand horse, and to the number of nine individuals, covered from head to foot in gold and jewels, and shoulder to shoulder, stood round in brilliant array, also waiting for the commands of their sovereign. For forty days and forty nights did I keep open to the world these scenes of festivity and splendour, furnishing altogether an example of imperial magnificence, seldom paralleled in this stage of earthly existence.'

The world-subduing Emperor proceeds to mention the various ordinances and regulations by which his accession to the throne was signalized. The very first ordinance' was to cause "the chain of justice' to be suspended from the battlements of the royal tower of the castle of Agra, the other end being fastened to a stone pillar near the bed of the Jumna; to the intent that when at any time the dispensers of law should fail in the administration of justice, the injured party might, by applying his hand to this chain, signify his appeal to the imperial justice. The chain was of gold, 140 guzz in length, having attached to it eighty small bells at different distances, and weighed eighty mauns, or about fifteen cwt. Another regulation announced the remission to his subjects of three several sources of revenue. Others related to the protection of merchants and the abolition of sundry abuses; and a humane law provided, that no person should suffer in future, for any offence, the loss of his nose or an ear. Another regulation, interdicting the making or selling of any wine or other intoxicating liquor, is accompanied with the following singularly ingenuous and naïve explanation.

I undertook to institute this regulation, although it is sufficiently notorious, that I have myself the strongest inclination for wine, in which, from the age of sixteen, I have liberally indulged. And in very truth, encompassed as I was with youthful associates of congenial minds, breathing the air of a delicious climate, ranging through lofty and splendid saloons, every part of which was decorated with all the graces of painting and sculpture, and the floors bespread with the

VOL. II,-N.S.

U U

richest carpets of silk and gold, would it not have been a species of folly to have rejected the aid of an exhilarating cordial? And what cordial can surpass the juice of the grape? May it not happen that theriauk, or opiates, or stimulants, have been rendered habitual to the constitution ? and heaven forbid that this should deprive a man of the most generous feelings of his nature. With some acknowledged beneficial effects, it must, however, be confessed, that these indulgences to excess must expose a man's infirmities, frustrate his constitutional vigour, and awaken false desires, such being the most injurious properties belonging to the list of stimulants. For myself, I cannot but acknowledge, that my usual daily allowance extended to twenty, and sometimes to more than twenty cups, each cup containing half a seir (about six ounces), and eight cups being equal to a maun of Irak. So far, indeed, was this baneful propensity carried, that if I were but an hour without my beverage, my hands began to shake, and I was unable to sit at rest. Convinced by these symptoms, that if the habit gained upon me in this proportion, my situation must soon become of the utmost peril, I felt it full time to devise some expedient to abate the evil and in six months I accordingly succeeded in reducing my quantity gradually from twenty to five cups a day. At entertainments, I continued, however, to indulge in a cup or two more: and on most occasions, I made it a rule never to commence my indulgence until about two hours before the close of the day. But now that the affairs of the empire demand my utmost vigilance and attention, my potations do not commence until after the hour of evening prayer, my quantity never exceeding five cups on any occasion; neither would more than that quantity suit the state of my stomach. Once a day I take my regular meal, and once a day seems quite sufficient to assuage my appetite for wine; but, as drink seems not less necessary than meat for the sustenance of man, it appears very difficult, if not impossible for me to discontinue altogether the use of wine. Nevertheless, I bear in mind, and I trust in heaven that, like my grandfather Homayun, who succeeded in divesting himself of the habit before he attained the age of forty-five, I also may be supported in my resolution, some time or other to abandon the pernicious practice altogether. " In a point wherein God has pronounced his sure displeasure, let the creature exert himself ever so little towards amendment, and it may prove, in no small degree, the means of eternal salvation."

After mentioning with becoming self-applause some other worthy deeds and wise regulations, his Majesty describes in glowing terms his good city of Agra. In very truth it is a wonderful city; and hence', observes the Imperial Writer, it is not surprising that, in the esteem of mankind, it has been placed on the same rank with Gualiar and Muttra, the latter the birth-place of Krishna, whom the Indian nations, in their 'ignorance, adore as the Supreme Being.' This naturally leads him to speak of Banaras (Benares), and of the temple erected by Rajah Maun Sing at the incredible expense of five krore and forty laks of rupees! It was believed that a dead Hindoo, pro

vided he had been a worshipper of the idol, would, when laid before it, be restored to life. Indignant at this imposture, Jehanguire made it his plea for throwing down the temple, and erecting the great mosque with its materials. The erection of this mosque is popularly ascribed to Aurungzebe, whose fame has eclipsed that of his ancestors. In connexion with this act, the Mohammedan Emperor makes the following reflections.

On this subject, however, I must acknowledge, that, having on one occasion asked my father (Akbar), the reason why he had forbidden any one to prevent or interfere with the building of these haunts of idolatry, his reply was in the following terms: "My dear child", said he, "I find myself a puissant monarch, the shadow of God upon earth. I have seen that he bestows the blessings of his gracious providence without distinction. Ill should I discharge the duties of my exalted station, were I to withhold my compassion and indulgence from any of those entrusted to my charge. With all of the human race, with all of God's creatures, I am at peace: why then should I permit myself, under any consideration, to be the cause of molestation or aggression to any one? Besides, are not five parts in six of mankind either Hindûs or aliens to the faith; and were I to be governed by motives of the kind suggested in your inquiry, what alternative can I have but to put them all to death? I have thought it, therefore, my wisest plan, to let these men alone. Neither is it to be forgotten, that the class of whom we are speaking, in common with the other inhabitants of Agrah, are usefully engaged, either in the pursuits of science or the arts, or of improvements for the benefit of mankind; and have, in numerous instances, arrived at the highest distinctions in the state; there being, indeed, to be found in this city, men of every description and of every religion on the face of the earth."

These sentiments were worthy of the enlightened Akbar, of whose latitudinarian principles, however, the Sou speaks with no approbation. In his character', says Jehangueir, one pro'minent feature was, that with every religion he seems to have 'entered, through life, into terms of unreserved concord; and with the virtuous and enlightened of every class, of every sect and profession of faith, he did not scruple to associate as op'portunities occurred; for the most part devoting the live-long 'night to this species of social enjoyment.' At one time, under the influence, as is alleged, of his accomplished minister, Abul Fazzel, Akbar had been led even to doubt the mission of Mohammed; and this is acknowledged to have been the cause which led to his assassination. It was always suspected', Major Price remarks, that Jehangueir was deeply implicated in the 'murder of the elegant historian of his father's reign; but here is the cold-blooded avowal of it.

Towards the close of my father's reign, availing himself of the influence which by some means or other he had acquired, he so wrought