hind the throne. Is it disrespectful to drag them into public view, and make a distinction between them and his majesty, under whose venerable name they daringly attempt to shelter their crimes? Nothing can more effectually contribute to establish his majesty on the throne, and to secure to him the affections of his people, than this distinction. By it we are taught to consider all the blessings of government as flowing from the throne; and to consider every instance of oppression as proceeding, which, in truth, is oftenest the case, from the ministers.

tunity will be given of renewing them, in general assembly, or making any provision to secure our inestimable rights and liberties from those further violations with which they are threatened.

"Resolved, therefore, That this colony be immediately put into a state of defence, and that be a committee to prepare a plan for imbodying, arming and disciplining such a number of men as may be sufficient for that purpose."

MR. PRESIDENT:-No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those If, now, it is true, that all force employ- gentlemen, if, entertaining, as I do, opinions ed for the purposes so often mentioned, is of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall force unwarranted by any act of parlia- speak forth my sentiments freely and withment; unsupported by any principle of out reserve. This is no time for ceremony. the common law; unauthorized by any The question before the house is one of awcommission from the crown; that, instead ful moment to this country. For my own of being employed for the support of the part, I consider it as nothing less than a constitution and his majesty's government, question of freedom or slavery; and in it must be employed for the support of proportion to the magnitude of the subject oppression and ministerial tyranny; if all ought to be the freedom of the debate. It this is true (and I flatter myself it appears to be true), can any, one hesitate to say, that to resist such force is lawful; and that both the letter and the spirit of the British constitution justify such resistance? Resistance, both by the letter and the spirit of the British constitution, may be carried further, when necessity requires it, than I have carried it. Many examples in the English history might be adduced, and many authorities of the greatest weight might be brought to show, that when the king, forgetting his character and his dignity, has stepped forth, and openly avowed and taken a part in such iniquitous conduct as has been described; in such cases, indeed, the distinction above mentioned, wisely made by the constitution for the security of the crown, could not be applied; because the crown had unconstitutionally rendered the application of it impossible. What has been the consequence? The distinction between him and his ministers has been lost; but they have not been raised to his situation: he has sunk to theirs.

Speech of Patrick Henry,

March 23, 1775, in the Convention of Delegates of Virginia,
On the following resolutions, introduced by himself :
"Resolved, That a well-regulated militia, composed of
gentlemen and yeomen, is the natural strength and
only security of a free government; that such a militia
in this colony, would forever render it unnecessary for
the mother country to keep among us, for the purpose
of our defence, any standing army of mercenary sol-
diers, always subversive of the quiet, and dangerous
to the liberties of the people, and would obviate the
pretext of taxing us for their support.
*That the establishment of such a militia is, at this time,
peculiarly necessary, by the state of our laws for the
protection and defence of the country, some of which
are already expired, and others will shortly be so; and
that the known remissness of government in calling us
together in legislative capacity, renders it too insecure,
in this time of danger and distress, to rely, that oppor

is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till he transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those, who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so un. willing to be reconciled, that force must be

called in to win back our love? Let us of nature hath placed in our power. Three not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the millions of people, armed in the holy cause implements of war and subjugation; the of liberty, and in such a country as that last arguments to which kings resort. I which we possess, are invincible by any ask gentlemen, sir, what means this mar- force which our enemy can send against tial array, if its purpose be not to force us us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our to submission? Can gentlemen assign any battles alone. There is a just God who other possible motive for it? Has Great presides over the destinies of nations, and Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the who will raise up friends to fight our batworld, to call for all this accumulation of tles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the acThey are meant for us: they can be meant tive, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no for no other. They are sent over to bind election. If we were base enough to deand rivet upon us those chains, which the sire it, it is now too late to retire from the British ministry have been so long forging. contest. There is no retreat, but in subAnd what have we to oppose to them? mission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been Their clanking may be heard on the trying that for the last ten years. Have plains of Boston! The war is inevitablewe any thing new to offer upon the sub- and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it ject? Nothing. We have held the subject come.

the north, will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!

up in every light of which it is capable; It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matbut it has been all in vain. Shall we re-ter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peacesort to entreaty and humble supplication? but there is no peace. The war is actually What terms shall we find, which have not begun! The next gale, that sweeps from been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we have done every thing that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending-if we mean not basely to abanden the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon, until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained-we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

Supposed Speech of John Adams in favor of the Declaration of Independence.

As given by Daniel Webster.

Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand and my heart to this vote. It is true, indeed, that in the beginning we aimed not at independence. But there's a divinity which shapes our ends. The injustice of England has driven us to arms; and, blinded to her own interest for our good, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is now within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours.

Why then should we defer the declaraThey tell us, sir, that we are weak; un- tion? Is any man so weak as now to hope able to cope with so formidable an ad- for a reconciliation with England, which versary. But when shall we be stronger? shall leave either safety to the country and Will it be the next week, or the next year? its liberties, or safety to his own life and Will it be when we are totally disarmed, his own honor? Are not you, sir, who sit and when a British guard shall be stationed in that chair, is not he, our venerable colin every house? Shall we gather strength league near you, are you not both already by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God

the proscribed and predestined objects of punishment and of vengeance? Cut off from all hope of royal clemency, what are you, what can you be, while the power of England remains, but outlaws?

If we postpone independence, do we mean to carry on, or to give up the war?

Do we mean to submit to the measures of | ness to follow, if we but take the lead. parliament, Boston port bill and all? Do Sir, the declaration will inspire the people we mean to submit, and consent that we with increased courage. Instead of a long ourselves shall be ground to powder, and and bloody war for restoration of privi our country and its rights trodden down in leges, for redress of grievances, for charthe dust? I know we do not mean to tered immunities, held under a British submit. We never shall submit. king, set before them the glorious object of entire independence, and it will breathe into them anew the breath of life.

Do we intend to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that plighting, before God, of our sacred honor to Washington, when putting him forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the political hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes and our lives? I know there is not a man here, who would not rather see a general conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the ground.

For myself, having, twelve inonths ago, in this place, moved you that George Washington be appointed commander of the forces, raised or to be raised, for defence of American liberty, may my right hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or waver in the support I give him. The war, then, must go on. We must fight it through. And if the war must go on, why put off longer the declaration of independence? That measure will strengthen us. It will give us character abroad.

Read this declaration at the head of the army; every sword will be drawn from its scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered to maintain it, or to perish on the bed of honor. Publish it from the pulpit; religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty will cling round it, resolved to stand with it, or fall with it. Send it to the public halls; proclaim it there; let them hear it, who heard the first roar of the enemy's cannon; let them see it, who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunker hill, and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support.

Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs, but I see, I see clearly through this day's business. You and I, indeed, may rue it. We may not live to the time when this declaration shall be made good. We may die; die, colonists; die, slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously and on the scaffold. Be it so. Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven that my country shall require The nations will then treat with us, the poor offering of my life, the victim shall which they never can do while we acknow- be ready, at the appointed hour of sacriledge ourselves subjects, in arms against fice, come when that hour may. But while our sovereign. Nay, I maintain that Eng-I do live, let me have a country, or at least land, herself, will sooner treat for peace the hope of a country, and that a free with us on the footing of independence, country. than consent, by repealing her acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct toward us has been a course of injustice and oppression. Her pride will be less wounded by submitting to that course of things which now predestinates our independence, than by yielding the points in controversy to her rebellious subjects. The former she would regard as the result of fortune; the latter she would feel as her own deep disgrace. Why then, why then, sir, do we not as soon as possible change this from a civil to a national war? And since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory? If we fail, it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The people, the people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves, gloriously, through this struggle. I care not how fickle other people have been found, I know, the people of these colonies, and I know that resistance to British aggression is deep and settled in their hearts and cannot be eradicated. Every colony indeed, has expressed its willing

But whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured, that this declaration will stand. It may cost treasure, and it may cost blood; but it will stand, and it will richly compensate for both. Through the thick gloom of the present, I see the brightness of the future, as the sun in heaven. We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. When we are in our graves, our children will honor it. They will celebrate it with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires and illuminations. On its annual return they will shed tears, copious, gushing tears, not of subjection and slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude, and of joy.

Sir, before God, I believe the hour is come. My judgment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it. All that Í have, and all that I am, and all that I hope, in this life, I am now ready here to stake upon it; and I leave off as I begun, that live or die, survive or perish, I am for the declaration. It is my living sentiment, and by the blessing of God it shall be my dying sentiment; independence now; and INDEPENDENCE for ever.