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otic feeling or regard; we do not follow | In the first place, as we have seen, it was rivers, and mountains, and lines of latitude, made matter of compact with these states to find boundaries beyond which public that they should do their part to promote improvements do not benefit us. We, who education. In the next place, our whole come here as agents and representatives of system of land laws proceeds on the idea those narrow-minded and selfish men of that education is for the common good; New England, consider ourselves as bound because, in every division, a certain porto regard, with equal eye, the good of the tion is uniformly reserved and appropriated whole, in whatever is within our power of for the use of schools. And, finally have legislation. Sir, if a railroad or canal, not these new states singularly strong beginning in South Carolina, appeared to claims, founded on the ground already me to be of national importance and nation- stated, that the government is a great unal magnitude, believing as I do that the taxed proprietor in the ownership of the power of government extends to the en-soil? It is a consideration of great imcouragement of works of that description, portance that probably there is in no part if I were to stand up here and ask, “What of the country, or of the world, so great a interest has Massachusetts in a railroad in call for the means of education as in those South Carolina?" I should not be willing to new states, owing to the vast number of face my constituents. These same narrow-persons within those ages in which educaminded men would tell me that they had tion and instruction are usually received, sent me to act for the whole country, and if received at all. This is the natural conthat one who possessed too little compre- sequence of recency of settlement and hension, either of intellect or feeling-one rapid increase. The census of these states who was not large enough, in mind and shows how great a proportion of the whole heart
, to embrace the whole-was not fit population oceupies the classes between to be intrusted with the interest of any part. infancy and childhood. These are the Sir
, I do not desire to enlarge the powers wide fields, and here is the deep and quick of government by unjustifiable construc- soil for the seeds of knowledge and virtue; tion, nor to exercise any not within a fair and this is the favored season, the spring interpretation. But when it is believed time for sowing them. Let them disthat a power does exist, then it is, in my seminated without stint. Let them be judgment, to be exercised for the general scattered with bountiful broadcast. benefit of the whole: so far as respects the Whatever the government can fairly do exercise of such a power, the states are towards these objects, in my opinion, ought one. It was the very great object of the to be done. constitution to create unity of interests to These, sir, are the grounds, succinctly the extent of the powers of the general stated, on which my vote for grants of lands government. In war and peace we are for particular objects rest, while I mainone; in commerceone; because the author- tain, at the same time, that it is all a comity of the general government reaches to mon fund, for the common benefit. And war and peace, and to the regulation of reasons like these, I presume, have incommerce. I have never seen any more Auenced the votes of other gentlemen from difficulty in erecting lighthouses on the New England. Those who have a differlakes than on the ocean; in improving the ent view of the powers of the government, harbors of inland seas, than it they were of course, come to different conclusions on within the ebb and flow of the tide; or of these as on other questions. I observed, removing obstructions in the vast streams when speaking on this subject before, that of the west, more than in any work to facili- if we looked to any measure, whether for tate commerce on the Atlantic coast. If a road, a canal, or any thing else intended there be power for one, there is power also for the improvement of the west, it would for the other; and they are all and equally be found, that if the New England ayes
were struck out of the list of votes, the There are other objects, apparently more southern noes would always have rejected local, or the benefit of which is less general, the measure. The truth of this has not towards which, nevertheless, I have con- been denied, and cannot be denied. In curred with others to give aid by donations stating this, I thought it just to ascribe it of land. It is proposed to construct a road to the constitutional scruples of the south, in or through one of the new states in rather than to any other less favorable which the government possesses large or less charitable cause. But no sooner quantities of land. Have the United States had I done this, than the honorable genno right, as a great and untaxed proprietor tleman asks if I reproach him and his
are they under no obligation--to con- friends with their constitutional scruples. tribute to an object thus calculated to pro- Sir, I reproach nobody. I stated a fact, mote the common good of all the pro- and gave the most respectful reason for it prietors, themselves included? And even that occurred to me. The gentleman canwith respect to education, which is the ex- not deny the fact—he may, if he choose, treme case, let the question be considered. I disclaim the reason. It is not long since
for the country
I had occasion, in presenting a petition the price of lands. In favor of that reduce from his own state, to account for its being tion, New England, with a delegation of intrusted to my hands by saying, that the forty members in the other house, gave constitutional opinions of the gentleman thirty-three votes, and one only against it. and his worthy colleague prevented them The four Southern States, with fifty memfrom supporting it. Sir, did I state this as bers, gave thirty-two votes for it, and seren a matter of reproach? Far from it. Did ; against it. Again, in 1821, (observe again, I attempt to find any other cause than an sir, the time, the law passed for the relief honest one for these scruples? Sir, I did of the purchasers of the public lands, not. It did not become me to doubt, nor This was a measure of vital importance to to insinuate that the gentleman had either the west, and more especially to the southchanged his sentiments, or that he had west. It authorized the relinquishment of made up a set of constitutional opinions, contracts for lands, which had been entered accommodated to any particular combina- into at high prices, and a reduction, in tion of political occurrences. Had I done other cases, of not less than 37 per cent. 80, I should have felt, that while I was en on the purchase money. Many millions of titled to little respect in thus questioning dollars, six or seven I believe at least,other people's motives, I justified the whole probably much more, -were relinquished world in suspecting my own.
by this law. On this bill Nex England, But how has the gentleman returned this with her forty members, gave more affirmarespect for others' opinions ? His own tive votes than the four Southern States candor and justice, how have they been with their fifty-two or three members. exhibited towards the motives of others, These two are far the most important while he has been at so much pains to measures respecting the public lands which maintain—what nobody has disputed—the have been adopted within the last twenty purity of his own? Why, sir, he has asked years. They took place in 1820 and 1821. when, and how, and why New England That is the time when. And as to the votes were found going for measures favor- manner how, the gentleman already sees able to the west; he has demanded to be that it was by voting, in solid column, for informed whether all this did not begin in the required relief; and lastly, as to the 1825, and while the election of President cause why, I tell the gentleman, it was bewas still pending. Sir, to these questions cause the members from New England retort would be justified; and it is both thought the measures just and salutary ; cogent and at hand. Nevertheless, I will because they entertained towards the west answer the inquiry not by retort, but by neither envy, hatred, nor malice; because facts. I will tell the gentleman when, and they deemed it becoming them, as just and hou, and why New England has supported enlightened public men, to meet the eximeasures favorable to the west. I have gency which had arisen in the west with already referred to the early history of the the appropriate measure of relief; because government to the first acquisition of the they felt it due to their own characters of lands—to the original laws for disposing their New England predecessors in this of them and for governing the territories government, to act towards the new states where they lie; and have shown the in- in the spirit of a liberal, patronizing, magfluence of New England men and New nanimous policy. So much, sir, for the England principles in all these leading cause why; and I hope that by this time,
I should not be pardoned were sir, the honorable gentleman is satisfied; I to go over that ground again. Coming if not, I do not know when, or how.or why, to more recent times, and to measures of he ever will be. a less general character, I have endeavored Having recurred to these two important to prove that every thing of this kind de- measures, in answer to the gentleman's signed for western improvement has de- inquiries, I must now beg permission to go pended on the votes of New England. All back to a period still something earlier, for this is true beyond the power of contradic- the purpose still further of showing how tion.
much, or rather how little reason there is And now, sir, there are two measures to for the gentleman's insinuation that politiwhich I will refer, not so ancient as to be cal hopes, or fears, or party associations, long to the early history of the public were the grounds of these New England lands, and not so recent as to be on this votes. And after what has been said, I side of the period when the gentleman hope it may be forgiven me if I allude to charitably imagines a new direction may some political opinions and votes of my have been given to New England feeling own, of very little public importance, cerand New England votes. These measures, tainly, but which, from the time at which and the New England votes in support of they were given and expressed, may pass them, may be taken as samples and speci- for good witnesses on this occasion. mens of all the rest. In 1820, (observe, This government, Mr. President, from its Mr. President, in 1820,) the people of the origin to the peace of 1815, had been too west besought Congress for a reduction in much engrossed with various other impor
tant concerns to be able to turn its competition. Other nations would prothoughts inward, and look to the develop- duce for themselves, and carry for them. ment of its vast internal resources. In the selves, and manufacture for themselves, to early part of President Washington's ad- the full extent of their abilities. The ministration, it was fully occupied with crops of our plains would no longer susorganizing the government, providing for tain European armies, nor our ships longer the public debt, defending the frontiers, supply those whom war had rendered unand maintaining domestic peace. Before able to supply themselves. It was obvious the termination of that administration, the that under these circumstances, the counfires of the French revolution blazed forth, try would begin to survey itself, and tu as from a new opened volcano, and the estimate its own capacity of improvement. whole breadth of the ocean did not en- And this improvement, how was it to be actirely secure us from its effects. The smoke complished, and who was to accomplish it? and the cinders reached us, though not the We were ten or twelve millions of peoburning lava. Difficult and agitating ques- ple, spread over almost half a world. We tions, embarrrassing, to government, and were twenty-four states, some stretching dividing public opinion, sprung out of the along the same sea-board, some along the new state of our foreign relations, and were same line of inland frontier, and others on succeeded by others, and yet again by opposite banks of the same vast rivers. Two others, equally embarrassing, and equally considerations at once presented themexciting division and discord, through the selves, in looking at this state of things, long series of twenty years, till they finally with great force. One was th at that great issued in the war with England. Down to branch of improvement, which consisted the close of that war, no distinct, market in furnishing new facilities of intercourse, and deliberate attention had been given, necessarily ran into different states, in or could have been given, to the internal every leading instance, and would benefit condition of the country, its capacities of the citizens of all such states. No one improvement, or the constitutional power state therefore, in such cases, would assume of the government, in regard to objects the whole expense, nor was the co-operaconnected with such improvement. tion of several states to be expected. Take The
peace, Mr. President, brought about the instance of the Delaware Breakwater. an entirely new and a most interesting It will cost several millions of money, state of things; it opened to us other pros- Would Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and pects, and suggested other duties; we our- Delaware have united to accomplish it at selves were changed, and the whole world their joint expense ? Certainly not, for was changed. The pacification of Europe, the same reason. It could not be done, after June, 1815, assumed a firm and per- therefore, but by the general government. manent aspect.
The nations evidently The same may be said of the large inland manifested that they were disposed for undertakings, except that, in them, gov. peace: some agitation of the waves might ernment, instead of bearing the whole exbe expected, even after the storm had sub- pense, co-operates with others to bear a sided; but the tendency was, strongly and part. The other consideration is, that the rapidly, towards settled repose.
United States have the means. They enIt so happened, sir, that I was at that joy the revenues derived from commerce, time a member of Congress, and, like and the states have no abundant and easy others, naturally turned my attention to sources of public income. The custom the contemplation of the newly-altered houses fill the general treasury, while the condition of the country, and of the world. states have scanty resources, except by reIt appeared plainly enough to me, as well sort to heavy direct taxes. as to wiser and more experienced men,
Under this view of things, I thought it that the policy of the government would necessary to settle, at least for myself, some pecessarily take a start in a new direction, definite notions, with respect to the powers because new directions would necessarily of government, in regard to internal afbe given to the pursuits and
fairs. It may not savor too much of selftions of the people. We had pushed commendation to remark, that, with this obour commerce far and fast, under the ad- ject, I considered the constitution, its judivantage of a neutral flag. But there were cial construction, its contemporaneous exmow no longer flags, either neutral or bel- position, and the whole history of the ligerent. The harvest of neutrality had legislation of Congress under it; and I been great, but we had gathered it all. arrived at the conclusion that government With the peace of Europe, it was obvious had power to accomplish sundry objects, there would spring up, in her circle of na- or aid in their accomplishment, which tions, a revived and invigorated spirit of are now commonly spoken of as INTERNAL trade, and a new activity in all the business IMPROVEMENTS. That conclusion, sir, may and objects of civilized life. Hereafter, have been right or it may have been wrong. our commercial gains were to be earned I am not about to argue the grounds of it at only by success in a close and intense l large. I say only that it was adopted, and
acted on, even so early as in 1816. Yes, Mr. principle of mischief, this root of upas, President, I made up my opinion, and de- could not have been planted. I have altermined on my intended course of politi- ready said-and, it is true that this act cal conduct on these subjects, in the 14th preceded on the ground of protection. It Congress iu 1816. And now, Mr. Presi- interfered directly with existing dent, I have further to say, that I made up terests of great value and amount. It cut these opinions, and entered on this course up the Calcutta cotton trade by the roots. of political conduct, Teucro duce. Yes, sir, But it passed, nevertheless, and it passed I pursued, in all this, a South Carolina on the principle of protecting manufactrack. On the doctrines of internal im- tures, on the principle against free trade, provement, South Carolina, as she was on the principle opposed to that which lets then represented in the other house, set us alone. forth, in 1816, under a fresh and leading Such, Mr. President, were the opinions breeze; and I was among the followers. of important and leading, gentlemen of But if my leader sees new lights, and turns South Carolina, on the subject of internal a sharp corner, unless I see new lights improvement, in 1816. I went out of also, I keep straight on in the same path. Congress the next year, and returning I repeat, that leading gentlemen from again in 1823, thought 'I found South South Carolina were first and foremost in Carolina where I had left her. I really behalf of the doctrines of internal improve supposed that all things remained as they ments, when those doctrines first came to were, and that the South Carolina doctrine be considered and acted upon in Congress. of internal improvements would be deThe debate on the bank question, on the fended by the same eloquent voices, and tariff of 1816, and on the direct tax, will the same strong arms as formerly. In the show who was who, and what was what, lapse of these six years, it is true, political at that time. The tariff of 1816, one of the associations had assumed a new aspect and plain cases of oppression and usurpation, new divisions. A party had arisen in the from which, if the government does not south, hostile to the doctrine of internal recede, individual states may justly secede improvements, and had vigorously attacked from the government, is, sir, in truth, a that doctrine. Anti-consolidation was the South Carolina tariff, supported by South flag under which this party fought, and Carolina votes, But for those votes, it its supporters inveighed against internal could not have passed in the form in which improvements, much after the same manit did pass; whereas, if it had depended on ner in which the honorable gentleman has Massachusetts votes, it would have been now inveighed against them, as part and lost. Does not the honorable gentleman parcel of the system of consolidation. well know all this? There are certainly Whether this party arose in South Carothose who do full well know it all. I do lina herself, or in her neighborhood, is not say this to reproach South Carolina; I more than I know. I think the latter. only state the fact, and I think it will ap- However that may have been, there were pear to be true, that among the earliest those found in South Carolina ready to and boldest advocates of the tariff, as a make war upon it, and who did make inmeasure of protection, and on the express trepid war upon it. Names being regarded ground of protection, were leading gentle- as things, in such controversies, they bemen of South Carolina in Congress. I did stowed on the anti-improvement gentlenot then, and cannot now, understand men the appellation of radicals. Yes, sir, their language in any other sense. While the name of radicals, as a term of distincthis tariff of 1816 was under discussion in tion, applicable and applied to those who the House of Representatives, an honora- defended the liberal doctrines of internal ble gentleman from Georgia, now of this improvements, originated, according to house, (Mr. Forsyth,) moved to reduce the the best of my recollection, somewhere beproposed duty on cotton. He failed by tween North Carolina and Georgia. Well, four votes, South Carolina giving three sir, those mischievous radicals were to be votes (enough to have turned the scale) put down, and the strong arm of South against his motion. The act, sir, then Carolina was stretched out to put them passed, and received on its passage the down. About this time, sir, I returned to support of a majority of the representa- Congress. The battle with the radicals tives of South Carolina present and voting. had been fought, and our South Carolina This act is the first, in the order of those champions of the doctrine of internal imnow denounced as plain usurpations. We provements had nobly maintained their see it daily in the list by the side of those ground, and were understood to have of 1824 and 1828, as a case of manifest op- achieved a victory. They had driven pression, justifying disunion. I put it back the enemy with discomfiture; a home to the honorable member from South thing, by the way, sir, which is not always Carolina, that his own state was not only “art performed when it is promised. A gentleand part” in this measure, but the causa man, to whom I have already referred in
Without her aid, thiş seminal / this debate, had come into Congress, dur
ing my absence from it, from South Caro Such are the opinions, sir, which were lina, and had brought with him a high maintained by South Carolina gentlemen reputation for ability. He came from a in the House of Representatives on the school with which we had been acquainted, subject of internal improvements, when I et noscitur a sociis. I hold in my hand, sir, a took my seat there as a member from printed speech of this distinguished gen- Massachusetts, in 1823. But this is not tleman, (Mr. McDUFFIE,)“ON INTERNAL all; we had a bill before us, and passed it IMPROVEMENTS," delivered about the pe- in that house, entitled, "An act to procure riod to which I now refer, and printed the necessary surveys, plans, and estimates with a few introductory remarks upon con- upon the subject of roads and canals.” It solidation; in which, sir, I think he quite authorized the president to cause surveys consolidated the arguments of his oppo- and estimates to be made of the routes of nents, the radicals, if to crush be to con- such roads and canals as he might deem of solidate. I give you a short but substan- national importance in a commercial or militive quotation from these remarks. He is tary point of view, or for the transportation speaking of a pamphlet, then recently of the mail; and appropriated thirty thoupublished, entitled, “Consolidation ;", and sand dollars out of the treasury to defray having alluded to the question of rechart- the expense. This act, though prelimiering the former Bank of the United nary in its nature, covered the whole States, he says: “Moreover, in the early ground. It took for granted the complete history of parties, and when Mr. Crawford power of internal improvement, as far as advocated the renewal of the old charter, any of its advocates had ever contended it was considered a federal measure; for it. Having passed the other house, which internal improvement never was, the bill came up to the Senate, and was as this author erroneously states. This here considered and debated in April, latter measure originated in the adminis- 1824. The honorable member from South tration of Mr. Jefferson, with the appro- Carolina was a member of the Senate at priation for the Cumberland road; and that time. While the bill was under conwas first proposed, as a system, by Mr. sideration here, a motion was made to add Calhoun, and carried through the House the following proviso : of Representatives by a large majority of “Provided, That nothing herein conthe republicans, including almost every tained shall be construed to affirm or admit one of the leading men who carried us a power in Congress, on their own authorthrough the late war."
ity, to make roads or canals within any
of So, then, internal improvement is not the states of the Union." one of the federal heresies. One para The yeas and nays were taken on this graph more, sir.
proviso, and the lionorable member voted “The author in question, not content with in the negative. The proviso failed. denouncing as federalists Gen. Jackson, A motion was then made to add this Mr. Adams, Mr. Calhoun, and the major proviso, viz :ity of the South Carolina delegation in “Provided, That the faith of the United Congress, modestly extends the denuncia- States is hereby pledged, that no money tion to Mr. Monroe and the whole republi- shall ever be expended for poads or canals can party. Here are his words. During except it shall be among the several states, the administration of Mr. Monroe, much and in the same proportion as direct taxes has passed which the republican party are laid and assessed by the provisions of would be glad to approve, if they could !! the constitution.” But the principal feature, and that which The honorable member voted against has chiefly elicited these observations, is this proviso also, and it failed. the renewal of the sysTEM OF INTERNAL
The bill was then put on its passage, IMPROVEMENTS.' Now, this measure was and the honorable member voted for it, adopted by a vote of 115 to 86, of a repub- and it passed, and became a law. lican Congress, and sanctioned by a repub Now, it strikes me, sir, that there is no lican president. Who, then, is this author, maintaining these votes but upon the who assumes the high prerogative of de- power of internal improvement, in its nouncing, in the name of the republican broadest sense. In truth, these bills for party, the republican administration of the surveys and estimates have always been country-a denunciation including within considered as test questions. They show its sweep Calhoun, Lowndes, and Cheves; who is for and who against internal immen who will be regarded as the brightest provement. This law itself went the ornaments of South Carolina, and the whole length, and assumed the full and strongest pillars of the republican party, complete power. The gentleman's vote as long as the late war shall be remem- sustained that power, in every form in bered, and talents and patriotism shall be which the various propositions to amend regarded as the proper objects of the presented it. He went for the entire and admiration and gratitude of a free unrestrained authority, without consulting people!!
the states, and without agreeing to any