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he is in good company. I had thought it was In the language of the writers of that “James Madison, Felix Grundy, and the day, (1796,) " rather than have a constitu. devil."). Let him no more “call himself tion such as the anti-federalists were cona federalist, and a friend to his country : tending for, (such as we are now contend. he will be called by others infamous," &c. ing for,) the Union ought to be dissolved;"
Sir, the spirit of the people sunk under and to prepare the way for that measure, hese appeals. Such was the effect pro- the same methods were resorted to then duced by them on the public mind, that that have always been relied on for that the very agents of the government (as ap- purpose, exciting prejudice against the pears from their public advertisements, south. Yes, sir, our northern brethren now before me) could not obtain loans were then told, “that if the negroes were without a pledge that “the names of the good for food, their southern masters would subscribers should not be known." Here claim the right to destroy them at pleasure." are the advertisements : “The names of all (Olive Branch, p. 267.) Sir, in 1814, all subscribers” (say Gilbert and Dean, the these topics were revived. Again we hear brokers employed by government) "shall of “northern confederacy." "The slave be known only to the undersigned.” As if states by themselves;” “the mountains are those who came forward to aid their coun- the natural boundary;" we want neither try, in the hour of her utmost need, were the counsels nor the power of the west,' engaged in some dark and foul conspiracy, &c., &c. The papers teemed with accusa they were assured that their names should tions against the south and the west, and not be known.” Can any thing show more the calls for a dissolution of all connection conclusively the unhappy state of public with them were loud and strong. I cannot feeling which prevailed at that day than consent to go through the disgusting details. this single fact? Of the same character But to show the height to which the spirit with these measures was the conduct of of disaffection was carried, I will take you Massachusetts in withholding her militia to the temple of the living God, and show from the service of the United States, and you that sacred place, which should be dedevising measures for withdrawing her voted to the extension of “ peace on earth quota of the taxes, thereby attempting, not and good will towards men,” where“ merely to cripple the resources of the coun- day's truce ought surely to be allowed to try, but actually depriving the government the dissensions and animosities of man(as far as depended upon her) of all the kind,” converted into a fierce arena of pomeans of carrying on the war-of the bone, litical strife, where, from the lips of the and muscle, and sinews of war—“ of man priest, standing between the horns of the and steel—the soldier and his sword.” But altar, there went forth the most terrible it seems Massachusetts was to reserve her denunciations against all who should be resources for. herself—she was to defend true to their country in the hour of her and protect her own shores. And how was utmost need. that duty performed? In some places on “If you do not wish,” said a reverend the coast neutrality was declared, and the clergyman, in a sermon preached in Bosenemy was suffered to invade the soil of ton, on the 23d of July, 1812, “ to become Massachusetts, and allowed to occupy her the slaves of those who own slaves, and territory until the peace, without one ef- who are themselves the slaves of French fort to rescue it from his grasp. Nay, more slaves, you must either, in the language of -while our own government and our the day, CUT THE CONNECTION or so far alter rulers were considered as enemies, the the national compact as to insure to yourtroops of the enemy were treated like selves a due share in the government." friends—the most intimate commercial re- (Olive Branch, p. 319.) “The Union," lations were established with them, and says the same writer, (p. 320,) “has been maintained up to the peace. At this dark long since virtually dissolved, and it is full period of our national affairs, where was time that this part of the disunited states the senator from Massachusetts? How should take care of itself.” were his political associates employed ? Another reverend gentleman, pastor of “ Calculating the value of the Union?” a church at Medford, (p. 321,) issues his anaYes, sir, that was the propitious moment, thema-“LET HIM STAND ACCURSED”when our country stood alone, the last against all, all who by their personal servihope of the world, struggling for her ex- ces," for “ loans of money, ";" conversation," istence against the colossal power of Great or writing,” or “ influence,” give counteBritain, concentrated one mighty effort nance or support to the righteous war, in to crush us at a blow;" that was the chosen the following terms: “That man is an achour to revive the grand scheme of build- complice in the wickedness-he loads bis
a great northern confederacy” conscience with the blackest crimes-he -a scheme which, it is stated in the work brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and before me, had its origin as far back as the in the sight of God and his law, he is a yeg 1796, and which appears never to MURDERER.” have been entirely abandoned.
One or two more quotations, sir, and I
shall have done. A reverend doctor of di- the Union, and so much anxiety lest it vinity, the pastor of a church at Byfield, should be endangered from the south, was Massachusetts, on the 7th of April, 1814, with his brethren in Israel.” He saw thus addresses his flock, (p. 321 :) “The all these things passing before his eyesIsraelites became weary of yielding the he heard these sentiments uttered all fruit of their labor to pamper their splendid around him. I do not charge that tyrants. They left their political woes, gentleman with any participation in these THEY SEPARATED;, where is our Moses? acts, or with approving of these sentiments. Where the rod of his miracles? Where But I will ask, why, if he was animated is our Aaron? Alas! no voice from the by the same sentiments then which he now burning bush has directed them here." professes, if he can "augur disunion at a
“We must trample on the mandates of distance, and snuff up rebellion in every despotism, or remain slaves forever," tainted breeze," why did he not, at that day, (p. 322.) “You must drag the chains of exert his great talents and acknowledged Virginian despotism, unless you discover influence with the political associates by some other mode of escape.” “Those whom he was surrounded, and who then, Western States which have been violent as now, looked up to him for guidance and for this abominable war—those states direction, in allaying this general excitewhich have thirsted for blood-God has ment, in pointing out to his deluded friends given them blood to drink,” (p. 323.) Mr. the value of the Union, in instructing them President, I can go no further. The re- that, instead of looking to some prophet cords of the day are full of such
sentiments, to lead them out of the land of Egypt," issued from the press, spoken in public as- they should become reconciled to their semblies, poured out from the sacred desk. brethren, and unite with them in the supGod forbid, sir, that I should charge the port of a just and necessary war? Sir, the people of Massachusetts with participating gentleman must excuse me for saying, that in these sentiments. The south and the if the records of our country afforded any west had there their friends—men who evidence that he had pursued such å stood by their country, though encom- course, then, if we could find it recorded passed all around by their enemies. The in the history of those times, that, like the senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Silsbee) immortal Dexter, he had breasted that was one of them; the senator from Con- mighty torrent which was sweeping necticut (Mr. Foot) was another; and before it all that was great and valuable in there are others now on this floor. The our political institutions—if like him he sentiments I have read were the sentiments had stood by his country in opposition to of a party embracing the political associ- his party, sir, we would like little children, ates of the gentleman from Massachusetts. listen to his precepts, and abide by his If they could only be found in the columns counsels. of a newspaper, in a few occasional pam As soon as the public mind was suffiphlets, issued by men of intemperate feel- ciently prepared for the measure, the celeing, I should not consider them as afford- brated Hartford Convention was got up; ing any evidence of the opinions even of not as the act of a few unauthorized individthe peace party of New England. But, uals
, but by the authority of the legislasir, they were the common language of that ture of Massachusetts; and, as has been day; they pervaded the whole land; they shown by the able historian of that conwere issued from the legislative hall, from vention, in accordance with the views and the pulpit, and the press. Our books are wishes of the party of which it was the full of them; and there is no man who now organ. Now, sir, I do not desire to call hears me but knows that they were the in question the motives of the gentlemen sentiments of a party, by whose members who composed that assembly. I knew they were promulgated. Indeed, no evi- many of them to be in private life accomdence of this would seem to be required plished and honorable men, and I doubt beyond the fact that such sentiments found not there were some among them who did their way even into the pulpits of New not perceive the dangerous tendency of England. What must be the state of pub- their proceedings. I will even go further, lic opinion, where any respectable clergy- j and say, that if the authors of the Hartman would venture to preach, and to print, ford Convention believed that“ gross,
desermons containing the sentiments i liberate, and palpable violations of the have quoted ? I doubt not the piety constitution” had taken place, utterly deor moral worth of these gentlemen, I am structive of their rights and interests, I told they were respectable and pious men. should be the last man to deny their right But they were men, and they “kindled in to resort to any constitutional measures a common blaze.”' And now, sir, I must for redress. But, sir, in any view of the be suffered to remark that, at this awful case, the time when and the circumstances and melancholy period of our national his- under which that convention assembled, tory, the gentleman from Massachusetts, as well as the measures recommended, who now manifests so great a devotion to render their conduct, in my opinios
wholly indefensible. Let us contemplate, It is unnecessary to trace the matter for a moment, the spectacle then exhibited further, or to ask what would have been to the view of the world. I will not go the next chapter in this history, if the over the disasters of the war, nor describe measures recommended had been carried the difficulties in which the government into effect; and if, with the men and was involved. It will be recollected that money of New England withheld from the its credit was nearly gone, Washington government of the United States, she had had fallen, the whole coast was blockaded, been withdrawn from the war; if New Or. and an immense force, collected in the leans had fallen into the hands of the eneWest Indies, was about to make a de- my; and if, without troops and almost scent, which it was supposed we had no destitute of money, the Southern and the means of resisting. In this awful state of Western States had been thrown upon our public affairs, when the government their own resources, for the prosecution of seemed almost to be tottering on its base, the war, and the recovery of New Orleans, when Great Britain, relieved from all her Sir, whatever may have been the issue other enemies, had proclaimed her purpose of the contest, the Union must have been of “reducing us to unconditionai submis- dissolved. But a wise and just Providence, sion,” we beheld the peace party of New which “shapes our ends, roughhew them England (in the language of the work be- as we will,” gave us the victory, and fore us) pursuing a course calculated to do crowned our efforts with a glorious peace. more injury to their country, and to ren- The ambassadors of Hartford were seen reder England more effective service than all tracing their steps from Washington, “the her armies.” Those who could not find it bearers of the glad tidings of great joy." in their hearts to rejoice at our victories Courage and patriotism triumphed-the sang Te Deum at the King's Chapel in country was saved—the Union was preBoston, for the restoration of the Bour- served. And are we, Mr. President, who bons. Those who could not consent to stood by our country then, who threw open illuminate their dwellings for the capture our coffers, who bared our bosoms, who of the Guerriere could give no visible freely perilled all in that conflict, to be retokens of their joy at the fall of Detroit. proached with want of attachment to the The "beacon fires” of their hills were Union? If, sir, we are to have lessons of lighted up, not for the encouragement of patriotism read to us, they must come from their friends, but as signals to the enemy; à different quarter. The senator from and in the gloomy hours of midnight, the very lights burned blue. Such were the may be proper for the convention to adopt, reported
among other things, -dark and portentous signs of the times,
“1. That it way expedient to recommend to the locis which ushered into being the renowned latures of the states the adoption of the most effe tual Hartford Conventien. That convention
and decisive measures to protect the militia of the dates
from the usurpations contained in these proceedings." met, and, from their proceedings, it ap- [The proceedings of Congress and the executive, iu relapears that their chief object was to keep tion to the militia and the war.)
"2. That it was expedient also to prepare a statement, back the money and men of New England exhibiting the necessity which the improvidence and infrom the service of the Union, and to ef- ability of the general government have imposed upon the fect radical changes in the government possibility of truir discharging this duty, and
at the changes that can never be effected without same tirio fulfilling the requisitions of the genural 20% a dissolution of the Union.
ernment, and also to recommend to the legislatures of the Let us now, sir, look at their proceed to make an earnest application to the governm-:nt of the
several states to make provision for mutual defunce, and ings. I read from “A Short Account of United States, with a view to some arrangemem whereby the Hartford Convention, (written by the state may be enabled to reinin
a portion of the taxe one of its members,) a very rare book, of for the reimbursement of expenses already in urred on which I was fortunate enough, a few years account of the United States. ago, to obtain a copy. [Here Mr. H. read state legislatures certain amendments to the co, istitution,
"3. That it is expedient to recommend to the several from the proceedings.*]
" That the power to declare or make war, by the Cos
gress of the United States, be restricted. * It appears at p. 6 of the "Acconnt" that by a vote of " That it is expedient to attempt to make provision for the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, (260 to restraining Congress in the exercise of an unlimited 299) delegates to this convention were ordered to be ap power to make new states, and admit them into the pointed to consult upon the subject “of their public Union. frievances and concerns," and upon “the best means of "That an amendment be proposed respectlag stare preserving their resources," and for procuring a revision representation and slave taxation." of the constitution of the United States, “more effectu On the 29th of December, 1814, it was pmposed "that ally to secure the support and attachment of all the the capacity of naturalized citizens to hold offices of trist, people, by placing all upon the basis of fair represen- honor, or profit ought to be restrained,” &c.
The subsequent proceedings are not given at large The convention assembled at Hartford on the 15th But it seems that the report of the committee was adopted, December, 1814. On the next day it was
and also a recommendation of certain measures of the Resolred, That the most inviolable secrecy shall be ob- character of which we are not informed) to the states for served by each member of this convention, including the their mutual defence; and having voted that the injunosecretary, as to all propositions, debates, and proceedings tion of secrecy, in regard to all the debates and proceeds thereof, until this injunction shall be suspended or al ings of the convention, (except so far as relates to the
report finally adopted,) be continued, the convention ad On the 24th of December, the committee appointed to journed wine die, but as was supposed, to ineet again whad prepare an-l report a general project of such measures as circumstances should require It.
Massachusetts, who is now so sensitive the fourth chapter of the next book of on all subjects connected with the Union, their history. But this opens with a vast seems to have a memory forgetful of the accession of strength, from their younger political events that have passed away. I recruits, who, having nothing in them of must therefore refresh his recollection a the feelings and principles of '76, now look little further on these subjects. The his- to a single and splendid government, &c., tory of disunion has been written one riding and ruling over the plundered whose authority stands too high with the ploughman and beggared yeomanry.” (vol. American people to be questioned ; I mean iv. pp. 419, 422.) Thomas Jefferson. I know not how the The last chapter, says Mr. Jefferson, of gentleman may receive this authority: that history, is to be found in the conduct When that great and good man occupied of those who are endeavoring to bring the presidential chair, I believe he com- about consolidation; ay, sir, that very conmanded no portion of the gentleman's re- solidation for which the gentleman from spect.
Massachusetts is contending—the exercise I hold in my hand a celebrated pamph- by the federal goverment of powers not let on the embargo, in which language is delegated in relation to “internal improveheld, in relation to Mr. Jefferson, which ments” and “the protection of manufacmy respect for his memory will prevent me tures." And why, sir, does Mr. Jefferson from reading, unless any gentleman should consider consolidation as leading directly call for it. But the senator from Massa- to disunion ? Because he knew that the chusetts has since joined in singing hosan- exercise, by the federal government, of nas to his name; he has assisted at his the powers contended for, would make apotheosis, and has fixed him as “a bril- this
a government without limitation of liant star in the clear upper sky." I hope, powers,” the submission to which he contherefore, he is now prepared to receive sidered as a greater evil than disunion itwith deference and respect the high author- self. There is one chapter in this history, ity of Mr. Jefferson. În the fourth volume however, which Mr. Jefferson has not filled of his Memoirs, which has just issued from up; and I must therefore supply the defithe press, we have the following history of ciency. It is to be found in the protests disunion from the pen of that illustrious made by New England against the acquisistatesman: “Mr. Ådams called on me tion of Louisiana. In relation to that subpending the embargo, and while endeavors ject, the New England doctrine is thus laid were making to obtain its repeal: he spoke down by one of her learned doctors of that of the dissatisfaction of the eastern portion day, now a doctor of laws, at the head of of our confederacy with the restraints of the great literary institution of the east; the embargo then existing, and their rest- I mean Josiah Quincy, president of Harlessness under it; that there was nothing vard College. I quote from the speech which might not be attempted to rid them- delivered by that gentleman on the floor selves of it; that he had information of of Congress, on the occasion of the admisthe most unquestionable authority, that sion of Louisiana into the Union. certain citizens of the Eastern States (I "Mr. Quincy repeated and justified a think he named Massachusetts particularly) remark he had made, which, to save all were in negotiation with agents of the misapprehension, he had committed to British government, the object of which writing, in the following words: If this bill was an agreement that the New England passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is States should take no further part in the virtually a dissolution of the Union; that war (the commercial war, the 'war of re- it will free the states from their moral oblistrictions, as it was called) then going on, gation; and as it will be the right of all, and that, without formally declaring their so it will be the duty of some, to prepare separation from the Union, they should for a separation, amicably if they can, withdraw from all aid and obedience to violently if they must." them, &c. From that moment,” says Mr. Mr. President, I wish it to be distinctly J., "Í saw the necessity of abandoning it, understood, that all the remarks I have [the embargo,] and, instead of effecting made on this subject are intended to be our purpose by this peaceful measure, we exclusively applied to a party, which I must fight it out or break the Union." In have described as the“ peace party of New another letter Mr. Jefferson adds, “I doubt England”—embracing the political assowhether a single fact known to the world ciates of the senator from Massachusettswill carry as clear conviction to it of the a party which controlled the operations of correctness of our knowledge of the treason- that state during the embargo and the war, able views of the federal party of that day, and who are justly chargeable with all the as that disclosed by this, the most nefa- measures I have reprobated. Sir, nothing rious and daring attempt to dissever the has been further from my thoughts than to Union, of which the Hartford Convention impeach the character or conduct of the was a subsequent chapter; and both of people of New England. For their steady these having failed, consolidation becomes | habits and hardy virtues I trust I enter
tain a becoming respect. I fully subscribe late the whole industry and capital of the to the truth of the description given be- country. But, sir, of all descriptions of fore the revolution, by one whose praise is men, I consider those as the worst enemies the highest eulogy," that the perseverance of the Union, who sacrifice the equal rights of Holland, the activity of France, and the which belong to every member of the condexterous and firm sagacity of English federacy to combinations of interested maenterprise, have been more than equalled jorities, for personal or political objects, by this recent people.". The hardy peo- But the gentleman apprehends no evil ple of New England of the present day from the dependence of the states on the are worthy of their ancestors. Still less, federal government; he can see no danger Mr. President, has it been my intention to of corruption from the influence of money say anything that could be construed into or of patronage. Sir, I know that it is a ‘want of respect for that party, who, supposed to be a wise saying that “patronhave been true to their principles in the age is a source of weakness ;” and in supworst of times; I mean the democracy of port of that maxim, it has been said, that New England.
every ten appointments make a hundred Sir, I will declare that, highly as I appre- enemies." But I am rather inclined to ciate the democracy of the south, I con- think, with the eloquent and sagacious sider even higher praise to be due to the orator now reposing on his laurels on the democracy of New England, who have banks of the Roanoke, that “the power of maintained their principles “ through good conferring favors creates a crowd of deand through evil report,” who, at every pendants;" he gave a forcible illustration period of our national history, have stood of the truth of the remark, when he told up manfully for their country, their whole us of the effect of holding up the savory country, and nothing but their country.” morsel to the eager eyes of the hungry In the great political revolution of '98, hounds gathered around his door. It matthey were found united with the democracy tered not whether the gift was bestowed of the south, marching under the banner on Towzer or Sweetlips, Tray, Blanche, or of the constitution, led on by the patriarch Sweetheart;" while held in suspense, they of liberty, in search of the land of politi- were governed by a nod, and when the morcal promise, which they lived not only to sel was bestowed, expectation of favors of behold, but to possess and to enjoy. Again, to-morrow kept up the subjection of to-day, sir, in the darkest and most gloomy period The senator from Massachusetts, in deof the war, when our country stood single- nouncing what he is pleased to call the handed against “the conqueror of the con- Carolina doctrine, has attempted to throw querors of the world,” when all about and ridicule upon the idea that a state has any, around them was dark and dreary, disas- constitutional reinedy, by the exercise of trous and discouraging,they stood a Spartan its sovereign authority, against "a gross, band in that narrow pass, where the honor palpable, and deliberate violation of the of their country was to be defended, or to constitution.” He calls it "an idle" or find its grave. And in the last great strug- “ a ridiculous notion," or something to that gle, involving, as we believe, the very ex- effect, and added, that it would make the istence of the principle of popular sover- Union a “mere rope of sand.” Now, sir, eignty, where were the democracy of New as the gentleman has not condescended to England? Where they always have been enter into any examination of the question, found, sir, struggling side by side, with and has been satisfied with throwing the their brethren of the south and the west weight of lais authority into the scale, I for popular rights, and assisting in that tri- do not deem it necessary to do more than umph, by which the man of the people was to throw into the opposite scale the authorelevated to the highest office in their gift. ity on which South Carolina relies; and
Who, then, Mr. President, are the true there, for the present, I am perfectly willfriends of the Union? Those who would ing to leave the controversy. The South confine the federal government strictly Carolina doctrine, that is to say, the dne within the limits prescribed by the consti- trine contained in an exposition reported tution; who would preserve to the states by a committee of the legislature in Deand the people all powers not expressly cember, 1828, and published by their audelegated; who would make this a federal thority, is the good old republican doctrine and not a national Union, and who, ad- of 98—the doctrine of the celebrated ministering the government in a spirit of "Virginia Resolutions” of that year, and equal justice, would make it a blessing, of “Madison's Report” of ’99. It will be and not a curse. And who are its ene- recollected that the legislature of Virginia, mies? Those who are in favor of con- in December, '98, took into consideration solidation; who are constantly stealing the alien and sedition laws, then considered power from the states, and adding strength by all republicans as a gross violation of to the federal government; who, assuming the constitution of the United States, and an unwarrantable jurisdiction over the on that day passed, among others, the fol. states and the people, undertake to regu- lowing resolutions,