he is in good company. I had thought it was "James Madison, Felix Grundy, and the devil.") Let him no more "call himself a federalist, and a friend to his country: he will be called by others infamous," &c. Sir, the spirit of the people sunk under these appeals. Such was the effect produced by them on the public mind, that the very agents of the government (as appears from their public advertisements, now before me) could not obtain loans without a pledge that "the names of the subscribers should not be known." Here are the advertisements: "The names of all subscribers" (say Gilbert and Dean, the brokers employed by government) "shall be known only to the undersigned." As if those who came forward to aid their country, in the hour of her utmost need, were engaged in some dark and foul conspiracy, they were assured "that their names should not be known." Can any thing show more conclusively the unhappy state of public feeling which prevailed at that day than this single fact? Of the same character with these measures was the conduct of Massachusetts in withholding her militia from the service of the United States, and devising measures for withdrawing her quota of the taxes, thereby attempting, not merely to cripple the resources of the country, but actually depriving the government (as far as depended upon her) of all the means of carrying on the war-of the bone, and muscle, and sinews of war-" of man and steel-the soldier and his sword." But it seems Massachusetts was to reserve her resources for herself-she was to defend and protect her own shores. And how was that duty performed? In some places on the coast neutrality was declared, and the enemy was suffered to invade the soil of Massachusetts, and allowed to occupy her territory until the peace, without one effort to rescue it from his grasp. Nay, more -while our own government and our rulers were considered as enemies, the troops of the enemy were treated like friends-the most intimate commercial relations were established with them, and maintained up to the peace. At this dark period of our national affairs, where was the senator from Massachusetts? How were his political associates employed? Another reverend gentleman, pastor of Calculating the value of the Union?" a church at Medford, (p. 321,) issues his anaYes, sir, that was the propitious moment, when our country stood alone, the last hope of the world, struggling for her existence against the colossal power of Great Britain, "concentrated one mighty effort to crush us at a blow;" that was the chosen hour to revive the grand scheme of building up a great northern confederacy" a scheme which, it is stated in the work before me, had its origin as far back as the year 1796, and which appears never to have been entirely abandoned.

In the language of the writers of that day, (1796,) rather than have a constitution such as the anti-federalists were contending for, (such as we are now contending for,) the Union ought to be dissolved;" and to prepare the way for that measure, the same methods were resorted to then that have always been relied on for that purpose, exciting prejudice against the south. Yes, sir, our northern brethren were then told, "that if the negroes were good for food, their southern masters would claim the right to destroy them at pleasure.” (Olive Branch, p. 267.) Sir, in 1814, all these topics were revived. Again we hear of "northern confederacy." "The slave states by themselves; ""the mountains are the natural boundary;" we want neither "the counsels nor the power of the west,' &c., &c. The papers teemed with accusations against the south and the west, and the calls for a dissolution of all connection with them were loud and strong. I cannot consent to go through the disgusting details. But to show the height to which the spirit of disaffection was carried, I will take you to the temple of the living God, and show you that sacred place, which should be devoted to the extension of "peace on earth and good will towards men," where "one day's truce ought surely to be allowed to the dissensions and animosities of mankind," converted into a fierce arena of political strife, where, from the lips of the priest, standing between the horns of the altar, there went forth the most terrible denunciations against all who should be true to their country in the hour of her utmost need.

"If you do not wish," said a reverend clergyman, in a sermon preached in Boston, on the 23d of July, 1812, "to become the slaves of those who own slaves, and who are themselves the slaves of French slaves, you must either, in the language of the day, CUT THE CONNECTION or so far alter the national compact as to insure to yourselves a due share in the government." (Olive Branch, p. 319.) "The Union," says the same writer, (p. 320,) "has been long since virtually dissolved, and it is full time that this part of the disunited states should take care of itself."

thema-"LET HIM STAND ACCURSED ”against all, all who by their "personal services," for "loans of money," conversation," or writing," or "influence," give countenance or support to the righteous war, in the following terms: "That man is an accomplice in the wickedness-he loads his conscience with the blackest crimes-he brings the guilt of blood upon his soul, and in the sight of God and his law, he is a MURDERER.”

One or two more quotations, sir, and I

shall have done. A reverend doctor of di- the Union, and so much anxiety lest it vinity, the pastor of a church at Byfield, should be endangered from the south, was Massachusetts, on the 7th of April, 1814, "with his brethren in Israel." He saw thus addresses his flock, (p. 321 :) "The all these things passing before his eyesIsraelites became weary of yielding the he heard these sentiments uttered all fruit of their labor to pamper their splendid around him. I do not charge that tyrants. They left their political woes gentleman with any participation in these THEY SEPARATED; where is our Moses? acts, or with approving of these sentiments. Where the rod of his miracles? Where But I will ask, why, if he was animated is our Aaron? Alas! no voice from the by the same sentiments then which he now burning bush has directed them here." professes, if he can "augur disunion at a "We must trample on the mandates of distance, and snuff up rebellion in every despotism, or remain slaves forever," tainted breeze," why did he not, at that day, (p. 322.) "You must drag the chains of exert his great talents and acknowledged Virginian despotism, unless you discover influence with the political associates by some other mode of escape." "Those whom he was surrounded, and who then, Western States which have been violent as now, looked up to him for guidance and for this abominable war-those states direction, in allaying this general excitewhich have thirsted for blood-God has ment, in pointing out to his deluded friends given them blood to drink," (p. 323.) Mr. the value of the Union, in instructing them President, I can go no further. The re- that, instead of looking "to some prophet cords of the day are full of such sentiments, to lead them out of the land of Egypt," issued from the press, spoken in public as they should become reconciled to their semblies, poured out from the sacred desk. brethren, and unite with them in the supGod forbid, sir, that I should charge the port of a just and necessary war? Sir, the people of Massachusetts with participating gentleman must excuse me for saying, that in these sentiments. The south and the if the records of our country afforded any west had there their friends-men who evidence that he had pursued such a stood by their country, though encom- course, then, if we could find it recorded passed all around by their enemies. The in the history of those times, that, like the senator from Massachusetts (Mr. Silsbee) immortal Dexter, he had breasted that was one of them; the senator from Con- mighty torrent which was sweeping necticut (Mr. Foot) was another; and before it all that was great and valuable in there are others now on this floor. The our political institutions-if like him he sentiments I have read were the sentiments had stood by his country in opposition to of a party embracing the political associ- his party, sir, we would, like little children, ates of the gentleman from Massachusetts. listen to his precepts, and abide by his If they could only be found in the columns counsels. of a newspaper, in a few occasional pam- As soon as the public mind was suffiphlets, issued by men of intemperate feel- ciently prepared for the measure, the celeing, I should not consider them as afford-brated Hartford Convention was got up; ing any evidence of the opinions even of not as the act of a few unauthorized individthe peace party of New England. But, uals, but by the authority of the legislasir, they were the common language of that ture of Massachusetts; and, as has been day; they pervaded the whole land; they shown by the able historian of that conwere issued from the legislative hall, from vention, in accordance with the views and the pulpit, and the press. Our books are wishes of the party of which it was the full of them; and there is no man who now organ. Now, sir, I do not desire to call hears me but knows that they were the in question the motives of the gentlemen sentiments of a party, by whose members who composed that assembly. I knew they were promulgated. Indeed, no evi- many of them to be in private life accomdence of this would seem to be required plished and honorable men, and I doubt beyond the fact that such sentiments found not there were some among them who did their way even into the pulpits of New not perceive the dangerous tendency of England. What must be the state of pub- their proceedings. I will even go further, lic opinion, where any respectable clergy- and say, that if the authors of the Hartman would venture to preach, and to print, ford Convention believed that " gross, desermons containing the sentiments I liberate, and palpable violations of the have quoted? I doubt not the piety constitution" had taken place, utterly deor moral worth of these gentlemen. I am structive of their rights and interests, I told they were respectable and pious men. should be the last man to deny their right But they were men, and they "kindled in to resort to any constitutional measures a common blaze." And now, sir, I must for redress. But, sir, in any view of the be suffered to remark that, at this awful case, the time when and the circumstances and melancholy period of our national his- under which that convention assembled, tory, the gentleman from Massachusetts, as well as the measures recommended, who now manifests so great a devotion to render their conduct, in my opinion

wholly indefensible. Let us contemplate, It is unnecessary to trace the matter for a moment, the spectacle then exhibited further, or to ask what would have been to the view of the world. I will not go the next chapter in this history, if the over the disasters of the war, nor describe measures recommended had been carried the difficulties in which the government into effect; and if, with the men and was involved. It will be recollected that money of New England withheld from the its credit was nearly gone, Washington government of the United States, she had had fallen, the whole coast was blockaded, been withdrawn from the war; if New Orand an immense force, collected in the leans had fallen into the hands of the eneWest Indies, was about to make a de- my; and if, without troops and almost scent, which it was supposed we had no destitute of money, the Southern and the means of resisting. In this awful state of Western States had been thrown upon our public affairs, when the government their own resources, for the prosecution of seemed almost to be tottering on its base, the war, and the recovery of New Orleans. when Great Britain, relieved from all her. other enemies, had proclaimed her purpose of "reducing us to unconditional submission," we beheld the peace party of New England (in the language of the work before us) pursuing a course calculated to do more injury to their country, and to render England more effective service than all her armies." Those who could not find it in their hearts to rejoice at our victories sang Te Deum at the King's Chapel in Boston, for the restoration of the Bourbons. Those who could not consent to illuminate their dwellings for the capture of the Guerriere could give no visible tokens of their joy at the fall of Detroit. The "beacon fires" of their hills were lighted up, not for the encouragement of their friends, but as signals to the enemy; and in the gloomy hours of midnight, the very lights burned blue. Such were the dark and portentous signs of the times, which ushered into being the renowned Hartford Conventien. That convention met, and, from their proceedings, it appears that their chief object was to keep back the money and men of New England exhibiting the necessity which the improvidence and infrom the service of the Union, and to ef- ability of the general government have imposed upon the fect radical changes in the government-states of providing for their own defence, and the impossibility of their discharging this duty, and at the changes that can never be effected without a dissolution of the Union.

Let us now, sir, look at their proceedings. I read from "A Short Account of the Hartford Convention," (written by one of its members,) a very rare book, of which I was fortunate enough, a few years ago, to obtain a copy. [Here Mr. H. read from the proceedings.*]

*It appears at p. 6 of the "Account" that by a vote of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, (260 to 299) delegates to this convention were ordered to be appointed to consult upon the subject "of their public grievances and concerns," and upon "the best means of preserving their resources," and for procuring a revision of the constitution of the United States, "more effectually to secure the support and attachment of all the people, by placing all upon the basis of fair representation."

The convention assembled at Hartford on the 15th December, 1814. On the next day it was

Resolved, That the most inviolable secrecy shall be observed by each member of this convention, including the secretary, as to all propositions, debates, and proceedings thereof, until this injunction shall be suspended or altered.

On the 24th of December, the committee appointed to prepare and report a general project of such measures as

Sir, whatever may have been the issue of the contest, the Union must have been dissolved. But a wise and just Providence, which "shapes our ends, roughhew them as we will," gave us the victory, and crowned our efforts with a glorious peace. The ambassadors of Hartford were seen retracing their steps from Washington, "the bearers of the glad tidings of great joy.” Courage and patriotism triumphed-the country was saved-the Union was preserved. And are we, Mr. President, who stood by our country then, who threw open our coffers, who bared our bosoms, who freely perilled all in that conflict, to be reproached with want of attachment to the Union? If, sir, we are to have lessons of patriotism read to us, they must come from a different quarter. The senator from

may be proper for the convention to adopt, reported among other things,

"1. That it was expedient to recommend to the legis and decisive measures to protect the militia of the states from the usurpations contained in these proceedings.” [The proceedings of Congress and the executive, in relation to the militia and the war.]

latures of the states the adoption of the most effectual

"2. That it was expedient also to prepare a statement,

same tire fulfilling the requisitions of the general gov

ernment, and also to recommend to the legislatures of the to make an earnest application to the government of the several states to make provision for mutual defence, and United States, with a view to some arrangemem whereby the state may be enabled to retain a portion of the taxes levied by Congress, for the purpose of self-defence, and for the reimbursement of expenses already in urred on account of the United States.

state legislatures certain amendments to the constitution,

"3. That it is expedient to recommend to the several

viz..

That the power to declare or make war, by the Congress of the United States, be restricted.

"That it is expedient to attempt to make provision for restraining Congress in the exercise of an unlimited power to make new states, and admit them into the Union.

"That an amendment be proposed respecting stave representation and slave taxation."

On the 29th of December, 1814, it was proposed “that the capacity of naturalized citizens to hold offices of trust, honor, or profit ought to be restrained," &c.

The subsequent proceedings are not given at large. But it seems that the report of the committee was adopted, and also a recommendation of certain measures (of the character of which we are not informed) to the states for their mutual defence; and having voted that the injunetion of secrecy, in regard to all the debates and proceedings of the convention, (except so far as relates to the report finally adopted,) be continued, the convention ad journed sine die, but as was supposed, to meet again when circumstances should require it.

their history. But this opens with a vast accession of strength, from their younger recruits, who, having nothing in them of the feelings and principles of '76, now look to a single and splendid government, &c., riding and ruling over the plundered ploughman and beggared yeomanry." (vol. iv. pp. 419, 422.)

Massachusetts, who is now so sensitive the fourth chapter of the next book of on all subjects connected with the Union, seems to have a memory forgetful of the political events that have passed away. I must therefore refresh his recollection a little further on these subjects. The history of disunion has been written by one whose authority stands too high with the American people to be questioned; I mean Thomas Jefferson. I know not how the The last chapter, says Mr. Jefferson, of gentleman may receive this authority. that history, is to be found in the conduct When that great and good man occupied of those who are endeavoring to bring the presidential chair, I believe he com- about consolidation; ay, sir, that very conmanded no portion of the gentleman's re-solidation for which the gentleman from spect. Massachusetts is contending-the exercise

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delegated in relation to "internal improvements" and "the protection of manufactures." And why, sir, does Mr. Jefferson consider consolidation as leading directly to disunion? Because he knew that the exercise, by the federal government, of the powers contended for, would make this " a government without limitation of powers," the submission to which he considered as a greater evil than disunion itself. There is one chapter in this history, however, which Mr. Jefferson has not filled up; and I must therefore supply the deficiency. It is to be found in the protests made by New England against the acquisition of Louisiana. In relation to that subject, the New England doctrine is thus laid down by one of her learned doctors of that day, now a doctor of laws, at the head of the great literary institution of the east; I mean Josiah Quincy, president of Harvard College. I quote from the speech delivered by that gentleman on the floor of Congress, on the occasion of the admission of Louisiana into the Union.

I hold in my hand a celebrated pamph-by the federal goverment of powers not let on the embargo, in which language is held, in relation to Mr. Jefferson, which my respect for his memory will prevent me from reading, unless any gentleman should call for it. But the senator from Massachusetts has since joined in singing hosannas to his name; he has assisted at his apotheosis, and has fixed him as a brilliant star in the clear upper sky." I hope, therefore, he is now prepared to receive with deference and respect the high authority of Mr. Jefferson. In the fourth volume of his Memoirs, which has just issued from the press, we have the following history of disunion from the pen of that illustrious statesman: "Mr. Adams called on me pending the embargo, and while endeavors were making to obtain its repeal: he spoke of the dissatisfaction of the eastern portion of our confederacy with the restraints of the embargo then existing, and their restlessness under it; that there was nothing which might not be attempted to rid themselves of it; that he had information of the most unquestionable authority, that certain citizens of the Eastern States (I think he named Massachusetts particularly) were in negotiation with agents of the British government, the object of which was an agreement that the New England States should take no further part in the war (the commercial war, the war of restrictions,' as it was called) then going on, and that, without formally declaring their separation from the Union, they should withdraw from all aid and obedience to them, &c. From that moment," says Mr. J., "I saw the necessity of abandoning it, [the embargo,] and, instead of effecting our purpose by this peaceful measure, we must fight it out or break the Union." In another letter Mr. Jefferson adds, "I doubt whether a single fact known to the world will carry as clear conviction to it of the correctness of our knowledge of the treasonable views of the federal party of that day, as that disclosed by this, the most nefarious and daring attempt to dissever the Union, of which the Hartford Convention was a subsequent chapter; and both of these having failed, consolidation becomes

"Mr. Quincy repeated and justified a remark he had made, which, to save all misapprehension, he had committed to writing, in the following words: If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a dissolution of the Union; that it will free the states from their moral obligation; and as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare for a separation, amicably if they can, violently if they must."

Mr. President, I wish it to be distinctly understood, that all the remarks I have made on this subject are intended to be exclusively applied to a party, which I have described as the "peace party of New England"-embracing the political associates of the senator from Massachusettsa party which controlled the operations of that state during the embargo and the war, and who are justly chargeable with all the measures I have reprobated. Sir, nothing has been further from my thoughts than to impeach the character or conduct of the people of New England. For their steady habits and hardy virtues I trust I enter

tain a becoming respect. I fully subscribe to the truth of the description given before the revolution, by one whose praise is the highest eulogy, "that the perseverance of Holland, the activity of France, and the dexterous and firm sagacity of English enterprise, have been more than equalled by this recent people." The hardy people of New England of the present day are worthy of their ancestors. Still less, Mr. President, has it been my intention to say anything that could be construed into a want of respect for that party, who, have been true to their principles in the worst of times; I mean the democracy of New England.

late the whole industry and capital of the country. But, sir, of all descriptions of men, I consider those as the worst enemies of the Union, who sacrifice the equal rights which belong to every member of the confederacy to combinations of interested majorities, for personal or political objects. But the gentleman apprehends no evil from the dependence of the states on the federal government; he can see no danger of corruption from the influence of money or of patronage. Sir, I know that it is supposed to be a wise saying that “patronage is a source of weakness;" and in support of that maxim, it has been said, that

every ten appointments make a hundred enemies." But I am rather inclined to think, with the eloquent and sagacious orator now reposing on his laurels on the banks of the Roanoke, that "the power of conferring favors creates a crowd of de

of the truth of the remark, when he told us of the effect of holding up the savory morsel to the eager eyes of the hungry hounds gathered around his door. It mattered not whether the gift was bestowed on Towzer or Sweetlips, Tray, Blanche, or Sweetheart;" while held in suspense, they were governed by a nod, and when the morsel was bestowed, expectation of favors of to-morrow kept up the subjection of to-day.

The senator from Massachusetts, in denouncing what he is pleased to call the Carolina doctrine, has attempted to throw ridicule upon the idea that a state has any constitutional remedy, by the exercise of its sovereign authority, against "a gross, palpable, and deliberate violation of the constitution." He calls it "an idle" or

Sir, I will declare that, highly as I appreciate the democracy of the south, I consider even higher praise to be due to the democracy of New England, who have maintained their principles "through good and through evil report," who, at every pendants;" he gave a forcible illustration period of our national history, have stood up manfully for “ their country, their whole country, and nothing but their country." In the great political revolution of '98, they were found united with the democracy of the south, marching under the banner of the constitution, led on by the patriarch of liberty, in search of the land of political promise, which they lived not only to behold, but to possess and to enjoy. Again, sir, in the darkest and most gloomy period of the war, when our country stood singlehanded against "the conqueror of the conquerors of the world," when all about and around them was dark and dreary, disastrous and discouraging, they stood a Spartan band in that narrow pass, where the honor of their country was to be defended, or to find its grave. And in the last great strug-"a ridiculous notion," or something to that gle, involving, as we believe, the very ex- effect, and added, that it would make the istence of the principle of popular sover- Union a "mere rope of sand." Now, sir, eignty, where were the democracy of New as the gentleman has not condescended to England? Where they always have been enter into any examination of the question, found, sir, struggling side by side, with and has been satisfied with throwing the their brethren of the south and the west weight of his authority into the scale, I for popular rights, and assisting in that tri- do not deem it necessary to do more than umph, by which the man of the people was to throw into the opposite scale the authorelevated to the highest office in their gift. ity on which South Carolina relies; and Who, then, Mr. President, are the true there, for the present, I am perfectly willfriends of the Union? Those who would ing to leave the controversy. The South confine the federal government strictly Carolina doctrine, that is to say, the docwithin the limits prescribed by the consti- trine contained in an exposition reported tution; who would preserve to the states by a committee of the legislature in Deand the people all powers not expressly cember, 1828, and published by their audelegated; who would make this a federal thority, is the good old republican doctrine and not a national Union, and who, ad- of '98-the doctrine of the celebrated ministering the government in a spirit of "Virginia Resolutions" of that year, and equal justice, would make it a blessing, of "Madison's Report" of '99. It will be and not a curse. And who are its ene- recollected that the legislature of Virginia, mies? Those who are in favor of con- in December, '98, took into consideration solidation; who are constantly stealing the alien and sedition laws, then considered power from the states, and adding strength by all republicans as a gross violation of to the federal government; who, assuming the constitution of the United States, and an unwarrantable jurisdiction over the on that day passed, among others, the fol states and the people, undertake to regu-lowing resolutions,