upon the boundless triumphs of our go-earth. You cannot make it by passing vernment of the people. resolutions in a political convention. "The Republicans of the United States want a man who knows that this Government should protect every citizen, at home and abroad; who knows that any governRobert G. Ingersoll, of Illinois, ment that will not defend its defenders, In the National Republican Convention at Cincinnati, June, and protect its protectors, is a disgrace to 1876, in nominating James G. Blaine for the Presidency. the map of the world. They demand a "Massachusetts may be satisfied with man who believes in the eternal separation the loyalty of Benjamin H. Bristow; so and divorcement of Church and School. am I; but if any man nominated by this They demand a man whose political repuconvention cannot carry the State of Mas-tation is spotless as a star; but they do not sachusetts, I am not satisfied with the demand that their candidate shall have a loyalty of that State. If the nominee of certificate of moral character signed by a this convention cannot carry the grand old Commonwealth of Massachusetts by seventy-five thousand majority, I would advise them to sell out Faneuil Hall as a Democratic headquarters. I would advise them to take from Bunker Hill that old monument of glory. "The Republicans of the United States demand as their leader in the great contest of 1876 a man of intelligence, a man of integrity, a man of well-known and approved political opinions. They demand a reformer after as well as before the election. They demand a politician in the highest, broadest and best sense—a man of superb moral courage. They demand a man acquainted with public affairs, with the wants of the people; with not only the requirements of the hour, but with the demands of the future. They demand a man broad enough to comprehend the relations of this government to the other nations of the earth. They demand a man well versed in the powers, duties, and prerogatives of each and every department of this Government. They demand a man who will sacredly preserve the financial honor of the United States; one who knows enough to know that the national debt must be paid through the prosperity of this people; one who knows enough to know that all the financial theories in the world cannot redeem a single dollar; one who knows enough to know that all the money must be made, not by law, but by labor; one who knows enough to know that the people of the United States have the industry to make the money and the honor to pay it over just as fast as they make it. The Republicans of the United States demand a man who knows that prosperity and resumption, when they come must come together; that when they come, they will come hand in hand through the golden harvest fields; hand in hand by the whirling spindles and the turning wheels; hand in hand past the open furnace doors; hand in hand by the flaming forges; hand in hand by the chimneys filled with eager fire -greeted and grasped by the countless sons of toil. "This money has to be dug out of the Confederate Congress. The man who has, in full, heaped and rounded measure, alí these splendid qualifications, is the present grand and gallant leader of the Republican party-James G. Blaine. "Our country, crowned with the vast and marvelous achievements of its first century, asks for a man worthy of the past and prophetic of her future; asks for a man who has the audacity of genius; asks for a man who is the grandest combination of heart, conscience and brain beneath her flag. Such a man is James G. Blaine. "For the Republican host, led by this intrepid man, there can be no defeat. "This is a grand year-a year filled with the recollections of the Revolution; filled with proud and tender memories of the past; with the sacred legends of liberty; a year in which the sons of freedom will drink from the fountains of enthusiasm ; a year in which the people call for a man who has preserved in Congress what our soldiers won upon the field; a year in which they call for the man who has torn from the throat of treason the tongue of slander; for the man who has snatched the mask of Democracy from the hideous face of rebellion; for the man who, like an intellectual athlete, has stood in the arena of debate and challenged all comers, and who is still a total stranger to defeat. "Like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine marched down the halls of the American Congress, and threw his shining lance full and fair against the brazen foreheads of the defamers of his country and the maligners of his honor. For the Republican party to desert this gallant leader now, is as though an army should desert their general upon the field of battle. "James G. Blaine is now and has been for years the bearer of the sacred standard of the Republican party. I call it sacred, because no human being can stand beneath its folds without becoming and without remaining free. "Gentlemen of the convention, in the name of the great Republic, the only Republic that ever existed upon this earth; in the name of all her defenders and of all her supporters; in the name of all her soldiers living; in the name of all her soldiers dead upon the field of battle, and in the name of those who perished in the skeleton clutch of famine at Andersonville and Libby, whose sufferings he so vividly remembers, Illinois-Illinois nominates for the next President of this country, that prince of parliamentarians-that leader of leaders-James G. Blaine." Roscoe Conkling, of New York, 1880, nominating Ulysses S. Grant for the Presidency. And the famous Apple tree." perilous sixteen years of the nation's history. Never having had a policy to enforce against the will of the people,' he never betrayed a cause or a friend, and the people will never betray or desert him. Vilified and reviled, truthlessly aspersed by numberless presses, not in other lands, but in his own, the assaults upon him have strengthened and seasoned his hold upon the public heart. The ammunition of calumny has all been exploded; the pow der has all been burned once, its force is spent, and General Grant's name will glitter as a bright and imperishable star in the diadem of the Republic when those who have tried to tarnish it will have mouldered in forgotten graves and their memories and epitaphs have vanished utterly. "Never elated by success, never depressed by adversity, he has ever in peace, as in war, shown the very genius of common sense. The terms he prescribed for Lee's surrender foreshadowed the wisest principles and prophecies of true reconstruction. "Victor in the greatest of modern wars, he quickly signalized his aversion to war and his love of peace by an arbitration of international disputes which stands as the wisest and most majestic example of its kind in the world's diplomacy. When inflation, at the height of its popularity and frenzy, had swept both houses of Congress, it was the veto of Grant which, single and alone, overthrew expansion and cleared the way for specie resumption. To him, immeasurably more than to any other man, is due the fact that every paper dollar is as good as gold. With him as our leader we shall have no defensive campaign, no apologies or explanations to make. The shafts and arrows have all been aimed at him and lie broken and harmless at his feet. Life, liberty and property will find safeguard in him. When he said of the black man in Florida, Wherever I am they may come also,' he meant that, had he the power to help it, the poor dwellers in the cabins of the South should not be driven in terror from the homes of their childhood and the graves of their murdered dead. When he refused to receive Denis Kearney he meant that lawlessness and communism, although it should dictate laws to a whole city, would everywhere meet a foe in him, and, popular or unpopular, he will hew to the line of right, let the chips fly where they may. Obeying instructions I should never dare to disregard, I rise in behalf of the State of New York to propose a nomination with which the country and the Republican party can grandly win. The election before us will be the Austerlitz of American politics. It will decide whether for years to come the country will be 'Republican or Cossack.' The need of the hour is a candidate who can carry doubtful States, North and South; and believing that he more surely than any other can carry New York against any opponent, and carry not only the North, but several States of the South, New York is for Ulysses S. Grant. He alone of living Republicans has carried New York as a Presidential candidate. Once he carried it even according to a Democratic count, and twice he carried it by the people's vote, and he is stronger now. The Republican party with its standard in his hand, is stronger now than in 1868 or 1872. Never defeated in war or in peace, his name is the most illustrious borne by any living man; his services attest his greatness, and the country knows them by heart. His fame was born not alone of things written and said, but of the arduous greatness of things done, and dangers and emergencies will search in vain in the future, as they have searched in vain in the past, for any other on whom the nation leans with such confidence and trust. Standing on the highest eminence of human distinction, and having filled all lands with his renown, modest, firm, simple and self-poised, he has seen not only the titled but the poor and the lowly in the utmost ends of the world rise and uncover before him. He has studied the needs and defects of many systems of government, and "His integrity, his common sense, his he comes back a better American than courage and his unequaled experience are ever, with a wealth of knowledge and ex- the qualities offered to his country. The perience added to the hard common sense only argument against accepting them which so conspicuously distinguished him would amaze Solomon. He thought there in all the fierce light that beat upon him could be nothing new under the sun Hav throughout the most eventful, trying anding tried Grant twice and found him faith ing to uphold that faith against the common enemy and the charlatans and guerrillas who from time to time deploy between the lines and forage on one side or the other. ful, we are told we must not, even after an | party, holding the right of a majority as interval of years, trust him again. What the very essence of their faith, and meanstultification does not such a fallacy involve! The American people exclude Jefferson Davis from public trust. Why? Because he was the arch traitor and would be a destroyer. And now the same people are asked to ostracize Grant and not trust him. Why? Because he was the arch preserver of his country; because, not only in war, but afterward, twice as a civic magistrate, he gave his highest, noblest efforts to the Republic. Is such absurdity an electioneering jugglery or hypocrisy's masquerade? "The Democratic party is a standing protest against progress. Its purposes are spoils. Its hope and very existence is a solid South. Its success is a menace to prosperity and order. "This convention is master of a supreme opportunity, can name the next President of the United States and make sure of his "There is no field of human activity, election and his peaceful inauguration. It responsibility or reason in which rational can break the power which dominates and beings object to Grant because he has been mildews the South. It can speed the weighed in the balance and not found nation in a career of grandeur eclipsing all wanting, and because he has had unequaled past achievements. We have only to lisexperience, making him exceptionally ten above the din and look beyond the competent and fit. From the man who dust of an hour to behold the Republican shoes your horse to the lawyer who pleads party advancing to victory, with its greatyour case, the officers who manage your rail- est marshal at its head." way, the doctor into whose hands you give your life, or the minister who seeks to save your souls, what now do you reject because you have tried him and by his works have James A. Garfield, of Ohio, known him? What makes the Presidential In the National Republican Convention at Chicago, June, 1880, nominating John Sherman for the Presidency. office an exception to all things else in the common sense to be applied to selecting "I have witnessed the extraordinary its incumbent? Who dares to put fetters scenes of this convention with deep solicion the free choice and judgment which is tude. No emotion touches my heart more the birthright of the American people? quickly than a sentiment in honor of a Can it be said that Grant has used official great and noble character. But as I sat on power to perpetuate his plan? He has no these seats and witnessed these demonstraplace. No official power has been used for tions, it seemed to me you were a human him. Without patronage or power, with- ocean in a tempest. I have seen the sea out telegraph wires running from his ashed into a fury and tossed into a spray, house to the convention, without elec- and its grandeur moves the soul of the tioneering contrivances, without effort on dullest man. But I remember that it is his part, his name is on his country's lips, not the billows, but the calm level of the and he is struck at by the whole Democra-sea from which all heights and depths are tic party because his nomination will be measured. When the storm has passed the death-blow to Democratic success. He and the hour of calm settles on the ocean, is struck at by others who find offense and when sunlight bathes its smooth surface, disqualification in the very service he has then the astronomer and surveyor takes rendered and in the very experience he the level from which he measures all has gained. Show me a better man. Name terrestrial heights and depths. Gentlemen one and I am answered. But do not point, of the convention, your present temper as a disqualification, to the very facts may not mark the healthful pulse of our which make this man fit beyond all others. people. When our enthusiasm has passed, Let not experience disqualify or excellence when the emotions of this hour have subimpeach him. There is no third term in sided, we shall find the calm level of pubthe case, and the pretense will die with lic opinion below the storm from which the political dog-days which engendered the thoughts of a mighty people are to be it. Nobody is really worried about a third measured, and by which their final action term except those hopelessly longing for a will be determined. Not here, in this first term and the dupes they have made. brilliant circle where fifteen thousand men Without bureaus, committees, officials or and women are assembled, is the destiny emissaries to manufacture sentiment in of the Republic to be decreed; not here, his favor, without intrigue or effort on his where I see the enthusiastic faces of seven part, Grant is the candidate whose sup- hundred and fifty-six delegates waiting to porters have never threatened to bolt. As cast their votes into the urn and determine they say, he is a Republican, who never the choice of their party; but by four milwave rs. He and his friends stood by the lion Republican firesides, where the creed and the candidates of the Republican thoughtful fathers, with wives and children about them, with the calm thoughts in- | faith of the people. It threw its protecting spired by love of home and love of country, arm around our great industries, and they with the history of the past, the hopes of stood erect as with new life. It filled with the future, and the knowledge of the great the spirit of true nationality all the great men who have adorned and blessed our functions of the Government. It connation in days gone by-there God pre-fronted a rebellion of unexampled magnipares the verdict that shall determine the tude, with slavery behind it, and, under wisdom of our work to-night. Not in God, fought the final battle of liberty until Chicago in the heat of June, but in the victory was won. Then, after the storms sober quiet that comes between now and of battle, were heard the sweet, calm words the melancholy days of November, in the of peace uttered by the conquering nation, silence of deliberate judgment will this and saying to the conquered foe that lay great question be settled. Let us aid them prostrate at its feet: "This is our only reto-night. venge, that you join us in lifting to the serene firmament of the Constitution, to shine like stars for ever and ever, the immortal principles of truth and justice, that all men, white or black, shall be free and stand equal before the law.' "Then came the question of reconstruction, the public debt, and the public faith. In the settlement of the questions the Republican party has completed its twentyfive years of glorious existence, and it has sent us here to prepare it for another lustrum of duty and of victory. How shall we do this great work? We cannot do it, my friends, by assailing our Republican But now, gentlemen of the convention, what do we want? Bear with me a moment. Hear me for this cause, and for a moment be silent, that you may hear. Twenty-five years ago this Republic was wearing a triple chain of bondage. Long familiarity with traffic in the bodies and souls of men had paralyzed the conscience of a majority of our people. The baleful doctrine of State Sovereignty had shocked and weakened the noblest and most beneficent powers of the National Government, and the grasping power of slavery was seizing the virgin territory of the West and dragging them into the den of eternal brethren. God forbid that I should say bondage. At that crisis the Republican party was born. It drew its first inspiration from that fire of liberty which God has lighted in every man's heart, and which all the powers of ignorance and tyranny can never wholly extinguish. The Republican party came to deliver and save the Republic. It entered the arena when the beleaguered and assailed territories were struggling for freedom, and drew around them the sacred circle of liberty which the demon of slavery has never dared to cross. It made them free forever. Strengthened by its victory on the frontier, the young party, under the leadership of that great man who, on this spot, twenty years ago, was made its leader, entered the national capital and assumed the high duties of the Government. The light which shone from its banner dispelled the darkness in which slavery had enshrouded the capital, and melted the shackles of every slave, and consumed, in the fire of liberty, every slave-pen within the shadow of the Capitol. Our national industries, by an impoverishing policy, were themselves prostrated, and the streams of revenue flowed in such feeble currents that the Treasury itself was well nigh empty. The money of the people was the wretched notes of two thousand uncontrolled and irresponsible State banking corporations, which was filling the country with a circulation that poisoned rather than sustained the life of business. The Republican party changed all this. It abolished the babel of confusion, and gave the country a currency as national as its flag, based upon the sacred one word to cast a shadow upon any name on the roll of our heroes. This coming fight is our Thermopylae. We are standing upon a narrow isthmus. If our Spartan hosts are united, we can withstand all the Persians that the Xerxes of Democracy can bring against us. Let us hold our ground this one year, for the stars in their courses fight for us in the future. The census taken this year will bring reinforcements and continued power. But in order to win this victory now, we want the vote of every Republican, of every Grant Republican and every anti-Grant Republican in America, of every Blaine man and every anti-Blaine man. The vote of every follower of every candidate is needed to make our success certain; therefore I say, gentlemen and brethren, we are here to take calm counsel together, and inquire what we shall do. We want a man whose life and opinions embody all the achievements of which I have spoken. We want a man who, standing on a mountain height, sees all the achievements of our past history, and carries in his heart the memory of all its glorious deeds, and who, looking forward, prepares to meet the labor and the dangers to come. We want one who will act in no spirit of unkindness toward those we lately met in battle. The Republican party offers to our brethren of the South the olive branch of peace, and wishes them to return to brotherhood, on this supreme condition, that it shall be admitted forever and forevermore, that, in the war for the Union, we were right and they were wrong. On that supreme condition we Daniel Dougherty, of Pennsylvania, meet them as brethren, and on no other. We ask them to share with us the blessings In the Democratic National Convention at Cincinnati, June and honors of this great Republic. of war. 1880, nominating Winfield Scott Hancock for the Presidency. Republic, a name, if nominated, of a man that will crush the last embers of sectional strife, and whose name will be hailed as the dawning of the day of perpetual brotherhood. With him we can fling away our shields and wage an aggressive war. We can appeal to the supreme tribunal of the American people against the corruption of the Republican party and their untold violations of constitutional liberty. With him as our chieftain the bloody banner of the Republicans will fall from their palsied grasp. Oh, my countrymen, in this supreme moment the destinies of the Republic are at stake, and the liberties of the people are imperiled. The people hang breathless on your deliberation. Take heed! Make no mis-step! I nominate one who can carry every Southern State, and who can carry Pennsylvania, Indiana, Connecticut, New Jersey and New York-the soldier-statesman, with a record as stainless as his sword-Winfield Scott Hancock, of Pennsylvania. If elected, he will take his seat.' "Now, gentlemen, not to weary you, I am about to present a name for your con"I propose to present to the thoughtful sideration-the name of a man who was consideration of the convention the name the comrade and associate and friend of of one who, on the field of battle, was nearly all those noble dead whose faces styled 'The Superb,' yet won the still nolook down upon us from these walls to- bler renown as a military governor whose night; a man who began his career of pub- first act when in command of Louisiana lic service twenty-five years ago, whose first and Texas was to salute the Constitution duty was courageously done in the days of by proclaiming that the military rule shall peril on the plains of Kansas, when the first ever be subservient to the civil power. red drops of that bloody shower began to The plighted word of a soldier was proved fall which finally swelled into the deluge by the acts of a statesman. I nominate He bravely stood by young Kan-one whose name will suppress all factions, sas then, and, returning to his duty in the will be alike acceptable to the North and National Legislature, through all subse- to the South-a name that will thrill the quent time, his pathway has been marked by labors performed in every department of legislation. You ask for his monuments. I point you to twenty-five years of national statutes. Not one great beneficent statute has been placed in our statute books without his intelligent and powerful aid. He aided these men to formulate the laws that raised our great armies and carried us through the war. His hand was seen in the workmanship of those statutes that restored and brought back the unity and married calm of the States. His hand was in all that great legislation that created the war currency, and in a still greater work that redeemed the promises of the Government, and made the currency equal to gold. And when at last called from the halls of legislation into a high executive office he displayed that experience, intelligence, firmness and poise of character which has carried us through a stormy period of three years. With onehalf the public press crying crucify him,' and a hostile Congress seeking to prevent success, in all this he remained unmoved until victory crowned him. The great fiscal affairs of the nation, and the great busiGeorge Gray, of Delaware, ness interests of the country, he has guard- In the Democratic National Convention at Cincinnati, June, ed and preserved, while executing the law 1880, nominating Thomas F. Bayard for the Presidency. of resumption and effecting its object with- "I am instructed by the Delaware deleout a jar and against the false prophecies of gation to make in their behalf a nominaone-half of the press and all the Democracy tion for the Presidency of the United States. of this continent. He has shown himself Small in territory and population, Delaable to meet with calmness the great emer-ware is proud of her history and of her poencies of the Government for twenty-five sition in the sisterhood of States. Always years. He has trodden the perilous heights devoted to the principles of that great party of public duty, and against all the shafts which maintains the equality and rights of of malice has borne his breast unharmed. the States, as well as of the individual citiHe has stood in the blaze of 'that fierce zen, she is here to-day in grand council to light that beats against the throne,' but its do all that in her lies for the advancement fiercest ray has found no flaw in his armor, of our common cause. Who will best lead no stain on his shield. I do not present the Democratic hosts in the impending him as a better Republican or as a better struggle for the restoration of honest goman than thousands of others we honor, but I present him for your deliberate consideration. I nominate John Sherman, of Ohio. vernment and the constitutional rights of the States and of their people, is the important question that we must decide. Delaware is not blinded by her affections when she presents to this convention, as a |