states. There was confusion which must soon have approached violence, for no authority beyond the limits of the state was respected, and Congress was notably powerless in its attempts to command aid from the states to meet the payment of the war debt, or the interest thereon. Instead of general respect for, there was almost general disregard of law on the part of legislative bodies, and the people were not slow in imitating their representatives. Civil strife became imminent, and Shay's Rebellion in Massachusetts was the first wwarlike manifestation of the spirit which was abroad in the land.

our political history must ever be inpressed with the fact that changes and reforms ever moved slowly, and that those of slowest growth seem to abide the longest.

The Federal and Anti-Federal Parties.

Congress was officially informed of the fact July 2d, 1788, and the first Wednesday, in March, 1789, was fixed as the time "for commencing proceedings under the constitution."

The Strong Government Whigs, on the submission of the constitution of 1787 to Congress and the legislatures, and indirectly through the latter to the people, who elect the members on this issue, became the Federal party, and all of its power was used to promote the ratification of the inAlive to the new dangers, the Assembly strument. Its ablest men, headed by of Virginia in 1786, appointed commis- Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, sioners to invite all the states to take part advocated adoption before the people, and in a convention for the consideration of their pens supplied much of the current questions of commerce, and the propriety political literature of that day. Eightyof altering the Articles of Confederation. five essays, still noted and quoted for their This convention met at Annapolis, Sept. | ability, under the nom de plume of "Pub11th, 1786. But five states sent representa- lius," were published in "The Federalist." tives, the others regarding the movement They were written by Hamilton, Madison with jealousy. This convention, however, and Jay, and with irresistible force advoadapted a report which urged the appoint-cated the Federal constitution, which was ment of commissioners by all the states, ratified by the nine needed states, and "to devise such other provisions as shall, to them seem necessary to render the condition of the Federal government adequate to the exigencies of the Union; and to report such an act for that purpose to the United States in Congress assembled, as, This struggle for the first time gave the when agreed to by them and afterwards Federalists an admitted majority. The confirmed by the legislatures of every state, complexion of the State legislature prior will effectually provide for the same.' "to it showed them in fact to be in a miCongress approved this action, and passed nority, and the Particularist Whigs, or resolutions favoring a meeting in conven- Anti-Federals opposed every preliminary tion for the "sole and express purpose of step looking to the abandonment of the revising the Articles of Confederation, and Articles of Confederation and the adoption report to Congress and the State legisla- of a Federal constitution. They were tures." The convention met in Philadel- called Anti-Federals because they opposed phia in May, 1787, and continued its ses- a federal government and constitution and sions until September 17th, of the same year. adhered to the rights of the States and The Strong Government Whigs had previ- those of local self-government. Doubtless ously made every possible effort for a full party rancor, then as now, led men to opand able representation, and the result did pose a system of government which it not disappoint them, for instead of simply seems they must have approved after fightrevising the Articles of Confederation, the ing for it, but the earlier jealousies of the convention framed a constitution, and sent States and the prevailing ideas of liberty it to Congress to be submitted to that body certainly gave the Anti-Federals a popuand through it to the several legislatures. larity which only a test so sensible as that The act submitting it provided that, if it proposed could have shaken. They were should be ratified by nine of the thirteen not without popular orators and leaders, states, it should be binding upon those Patrick Henry, the earliest of the paratifying the same. Just here was started triots, and "the-old-man-eloquent," Samuel the custom which has since passed into Adams, took special pride in espousing law, that amendments to the national con- their cause. The war questions between stitution shall be submitted after approval Whig and Tory must have passed quickly by Congress, to the legislatures of the sev-away, as living issues, though the newseral states, and after approval by three-papers and contemporaneous history show fourths thereof, it shall be binding upon all that the o'd taunts and battle cries were -a very proper exercise of constitutional applied to the new situation with a plainauthority, as it seems now, but which ness and virulence that must still be envied would not have won popular approval by the sensational and more bitterly partiwhen Virginia proposed the Annapolis san journals of our own day. To read onvention in 1786. Indeed, the reader of these now, and some of our facts are gath

by the congressional caucus and appointed by the electoral college. He selected his cabinet from the leading minds of both parties, and while himself a recognized Federalist, all felt that he was acting for the good of all, and in the earlier years of his administration, none disputed this fact.

ered from such sources, is to account for the frequent use of the saying touching "the ingratitude of republics," for when partisan hatred could deride the still recent utterances of Henry before the startled assembly of Virginians, and of Adams in advocating the adoption of the Declaration, there must at least to every surface view have been rank ingratitude. Their good As the new measures of the government names, however, survived the struggle, as advanced, however, the anti-federalists orgood names in our republic have ever sur- ganized an opposition to the party in vived the passions of the law. In politics power. Immediate danger had passed. the Americans then as now, hated with The constitution worked well. The laws promptness and forgave with generosity. of Congress were respected; its calls for The Anti-Federals denied nearly all that revenue honored, and Washington dethe Federals asserted. The latter had for voted much of his first and second mesthe first time assumed the aggressive, and sages to showing the growing prosperity had the advantage of position. They of the country, and the respect which it showed the deplorable condition of the was beginning to excite abroad. But country, and their opponents had to bear where there is political power, there is the burdens of denial at a time when nearly opposition in a free land, and the great all public and private obligations were dis- leaders of that day neither forfeited their honored; when labor was poorly paid, work-reputations as patriots, or their characters men getting but twenty-five cents a day,with little to do at that; when even the rich in lands were poor in purse, and when commerce on the seas was checked by the coldness of foreign nations and restricted by the action of the States themselves; when manufactures were without protection of any kind, and when the people thought their struggle for freedom was about to end in national poverty. Still Henry, and Adams and Hancock, with hosts of others, claimed that the aspirations of the Anti'Federals were the freest, that they pointed to personal liberty and local sovereignty. Yet many Anti-Federals must have accepted the views of the Federals, who under the circumstances must have presented the better reason, and the result was as stated, the ratification of the Federal constitution of 1787 by three-fourths of the States of the Union. After this the Anti-Federalists were given a new name, that of "Close Constructionists," because they naturally desired to interpret the new instrument in such a way as to bend it to their views. The Federalists became "Broad Constructionists," because they interpreted the constitution in a way calculated to broaden the power of the national government.

The Confederacy once dissolved, the Federal party entered upon the enjoyment of full political power, but it was not without its responsibilities. The government had to be organized upon the basis of the new constitution, as upon the success of that organization would depend not alone the stability of the government and the happiness of its people, but the reputation of the party and the fame of its leaders as statesmen.

✓ Fortunately for all, party hostilities were not manifested in the Presidential election. All bowed to the popularity of Washington, and he was unanimously nominated

as statesmen by the assertion of honest differences of opinion. Washington, Adams, and Hamilton were the recognized leaders of the Federalists, the firm friends of the constitution. The success of this instrument modified the views of the antiFederalists, and Madison of Virginia, its recognized friend when it was in preparation, joined with others who had been its friends-notably,* Doctor Williamson, of North Carolina, and Mr. Langdon, of Georgia, in opposing the administration, and soon became recognized leaders of the anti-Federalists. Langdon was the President pro tem, of the Senate. Jefferson wa then on a mission to France, and not unti some years thereafter did he array himself with those opposed to centralized power in the nation. He returned in November, 1789, and was called to Washington's cabinet as Secretary of State in March, 1790. It was a great cabinet, with Jefferson as its premier (if this term is suited to a time when English political nomenclature was anything but popular in the land;) Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury; Knox, Secretary of War, and Edmund Randolph, Attorney-General. There was no Secretary of the Navy until the administration of the elder Alams, and no Secretary of the Interior.

The first session of Congress under the Federal constitution, held in New York, sat for nearly six months, the adjournment taking place September 29th, 1789. Nearly all the laws framed pointed to the organization of the government, and the discussions were able and protracted. Indeed, these discussions developed opposing views, which could easily find separation on much the same old lines as those which separated the founders of constitutional government

Edwin Williams in Statesman's Manual.

from those who favored the old confederate interested in distilleries, prepared for methods. The Federalists, on pivotal armed resistance to the excise, but at the questions, at this session, carried their same session a national militia law had measures only by small majorities. been passed, and Washington took adMuch of the second session was devoted vantage of this to suppress the "Whisky to the discussion of the able reports of Rebellion" in its incipiency. It was a Hamilton, and their final adoption did hasty, rash undertaking, yet was dealt with much to build up the credit of the nation so firmly that the action of the authorities and to promote its industries. He was strengthened the law, and the respect for the author of the protective system, and at order. The four counties which rebelled the first session gave definite shape to his did no further damage than to tar and theories. He recommended the funding feather a government tax collector and rob of the war debt, the assumption of the him of his horse, though many threats state war debts by the national government, were made and the agitation continued the providing of a system of revenue from until 1794, when Washington's threatened the collection of duties on imports, and an appearance at the head of fifteen thousand internal excise. His advocacy of a pro- militia settled the whole question. tective tariff was plain, for he declared it to be necessary for the support of the government and the encouragement of manufactures that duties be laid on goods, wares, and merchandise imported.

To

The third session of the same Congress was held at Philadelphia, though the seat of the national government had, at the previous one, been fixed on the Potomac instead of the Susquehanna-this after a compromise with Southern members, who refused to vote for the Assumption Bill until the location of the capital in the District of Columbia had been agreed upon; by the way, this was the first exhibition of log-rolling in Congress. complete Hamilton's financial system, a national bank was incorporated. On this project both the members of Congress and of the cabinet were divided, but it passed, and was promptly approved by Washingtoh. By this time it was well known that Jefferson and Hamilton held opposing views on many questions of government, and these found their way into and influenced the action of Congress, and passed naturally from thence to the people, who were thus early believed to be almost equally divided on the more essential political issues. Before the close of the session, Vermont and Kentucky were admitted to the Union. Vermont was the first state admitted in addition to the original thirteen. True, North Carolina and Rhode Island had rejected the constitution, but they reconsidered their action and came in the former in November, 1789, and the latter in May, 1790.

The first session of the Second Congress also passed the first methodic apportionment bill, which based the congressional representation on the census taken in 1790, the basis being 33,000 inhabitants for each representative. The second session which sat from November, 1792, to March, 1793, was mainly occupied in a discussion of the foreign and domestic relations of the country. No important measures were adopted.

The Republican and Federal Parties. The most serious objection to the constitution before its ratification was the absence of a distinct bill of rights, which should recognize "the equality of all men, and their rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness," and at the first session of Congress a bill was framed containing twelve articles, ten of which were afterwards ratified as amendments to the constitution. Yet state sovereignty, then imperfectly defined, was the prevailing idea in the minds of the Anti-Federalists, and they took every opportunity to oppose any extended delegation of authority from the states of the Union. They contended that the power of the state should be supreme, and charged the Federalists with monarchical tendencies. They opposed Hamilton's national bank scheme, and Jefferson and Randolph plainly expressed the opinion that it was unconstitutionalthat a bank was not authorized by the constitution, and that it would prevent the states from maintaining banks. But when The election for members of the Second the Bill of Rights had been incorporated Congress resulted in a majority in both in and attached to the constitution as branches favorable to the administration. amendments, Jefferson with rare political It met at Philadelphia in October, 1791. sagacity withdrew all opposition to the inThe exciting measure of the session was strument itself, and the Anti-Federalists the excise act, somewhat similar to that of gladly followed his lead, for they felt that the previous year, but the opposition they had labored under many partisan diswanted an issue on which to rally, they advantages. The constitution was from accepted this, and this agitation led to vio- the first too strong for successful resistance, lent and in one instance warlike opposi- and when opposition was confessedly tion on the part of a portion of the people. abandoned the party name was changed, Those of western Pennsylvania, largely also at the suggestion of Jefferson, to that

of Republican. The Anti-Federalists were | Mexico and some of the South American first disposed to call their party the republics, there would be even a wider Democratic-Republicans, but finally called field for them here than there.

In Washington's message of 1794, he Genet, chagrined at the issuance of this plainly censured all "self-created political' proclamation, threatened to appeal to the societies," meaning the democratic sopeople, and made himself so obnoxious to cieties formed by Genet, but this part of Washington that the latter demanded his the message the House refused to endorse, recall. The French government sent M. the speaker giving the casting vote in the Fauchet as his successor, but Genet con- negative. The Senate was in harmony tinued to reside in the United States, and with the political views of the President. under his inspiration a number of Demo- Party spirit had by this time measurably cratic Societies, in imitation of the French affected all classes of the people, and as Jacobin clubs, were founded, but like all subjects for agitation here multiplied, the such organizations in this country, they opposition no longer regarded Washingwere short-lived. Secret political societies ton with that respect and decorum which thrive only under despotisms. In Repub- it had been the rule to manifest. His wislics like ours they can only live when the dom as President, his patriotism, and ingreat parties are in confusion and greatly deed his character as a man, were all divided. They disappear with the union hotly questioned by political enemies. He of sentiment into two great parties. If was even charged with corruption in exthere were many parties and factions, as in pending more of the public moneys than

had been appropriated-charges which were soon shown to be groundless.

At the first session of Congress in December, 1795, the Senate's administration majority had increased, but in the House the opposing Republicans had also increased their numbers. The Senate by 14 to 8 endorsed the message; the House at first refused but finally qualified its an

swers.

In March, 1796, a new political issue was sprung in the House by Mr. Livingstone of New York, who offered a resolution requesting of the President a copy of the instructions to Mr. Jay, the envoy who made the treaty with Great Britain. After a debate of several days, more bitter than any which had preceded it, the House passed the resolution by 57 to 35, the Republicans voting aye, the Federals no. Washington in answer, took the position that the House of Representatives was not part of the treaty-making power of the government, and could not therefore be entitled to any papers relating to such treaties. The constitution had placed this treaty making and ratifying power in the hands of the Senate, the Cabinet and the President.

courage, and prepared to win in the Presidential battle which followed. Both parties v were plainly arrayed and confident, and so close was the result that the leaders of both were elected-John Adams, the nominee of the Federalists, to the Presidency, and Thomas Jefferson, the nominee of the Republicans, to the Vice-Presidency. The law which then obtained was that the candidate who received the highest number of electoral votes, took the first place, the next highest, the second. Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina was the Federal nominee for Vice-President, and Aaron Burr of the Republicans. Adams received 71 electoral votes, Jefferson 68, Pinckney 59, Burr 30, scattering 48. Pinckney had lost 12 votes, while Burr lost 38-a loss of popularity which the latter regained four years later. The first impressions which our forefathers had of this man were the best.

John Adams was inaugurated as Pres ident in Philadelphia, at Congress Hall, March 4th, 1797, and in his inaugural was careful to deny the charge that the Federal party had any sympathy for England, but reaffirmed his endorsement of the policy of Washington as to strict neutralThis answer, now universally accepted ity. To this extent he sought to soften the as the proper one, yet excited the House asperities of the parties, and measurably and increased political animosities. The succeeded, though the times were still Republicans charged the Federals with stormy. The French revolution had being the "British party," and in some reached its highest point, and our people instances hinted that they had been purchased with British gold. Indignation meetings were called, but after much sound and fury, it was ascertained that the people really favored abiding by the treaty in good faith, and finally the House, after more calm and able debates, passed the needed legislation to carry out the treaty by a vote of 51 to 48.

still took sides. Adams found he would have to arm to preserve neutrality and at the same time punish the aggression of either of the combatants. This was our first exhibition of "armed neutrality." An American navy was quickly raised, and every preparation made for defending the rights of Americars. An alliance with France was refused, after which the In August, 1796, prior to the meeting American Minister was dismissed and the of the Congressional caucus which then French navy began to cripple our trade. placed candidates for the Presidency in In May, 1797, President Adams felt it his nomination, Washington issued his cele- duty to call an extra session of Congress, brated Farewell Address, in which he gave which closed in July. The Senate apnotice that he would retire from public proved of negotiations for reconciliation life at the expiration of his term. He had with France. They were attempted but, been solicited to be a candidate for re- proved fruitless; in May, 1798, a full naval election (a third term) and told that all armament was authorized, and soon several the people could unite upon him-a state- French vessels were captured before there ment which, without abating one jot, our was any declaration of war. Indeed, neithadmiration for the man, would doubtless er power declared war, and as soon as have been called in question by the Re-France discovered how earnest the Ameripublicans, who had become implacably cans were she made overtures for an adhostile to his political views, and who were justment of difficulties, and these resulted encouraged to believe they could win con- in the treaty of 1800. trol of the Presidency, by their rapidly increasing power in the House. Yet the address was everywhere received with marks of admiration. Legislatures commended it by resolution and ordered it to be engrossed upon their records; journals praised it, and upon the strength of its plain doctrines the Federalists took new

The Republicans, though warmly favoring a contest, did not heartily support that inaugurated by Adams, and contended after this that the militia and a small naval force were sufficient for internal defense. They denounced the position of the Federals, who favored the enlargement of the. army and navy, as measures calculated to