cheapen the price of whiskey is to increase its consumption enormously. There would be no sense in urging the reform wrought by high license in many States if the National Government neutralizes the good effect by making whiskey within reach of every one at twenty cents a gallon. Whiskey would be everywhere distilled if the surveillance of the government were withdrawn by the remission of the tax, and illicit sales could not then be prevented even by a policy as rigorous and searching as that with which Russia pursues the Nihilists. It would destroy high license at once in all the States. "Whiskey has done a vast deal of harm in the United States. I would try to make it do some good. I would use the tax to fortify our cities on the seaboard. In view of the powerful letter addressed to the democratic party on the subject of fortifications by the late Samuel J. Tilden, in 1885, I am amazed that no attention has been paid to the subject by the democratic administration. Never before in the history of the world has any government allowed great cities on the seaboard, like Philadelphia, New York, Boston, Baltimore, New Orleans, and San Francisco, to remain defenceless.' 666 But," said the reporter, "you don't think we are to have a war in any direction?" "Certainly not," said Mr. Blaine, "Neither, I presume, did Mr. Tilden when he wrote his remarkable letter. But we should change a remote chance into an absolute impossibility. If our weak and exposed points were strongly fortified; if to-day we had by any chance even such a war as we had with Mexico our enemy could procure ironclads in Europe that would menace our great cities with destruction or lay them under contribution.' "But would not our fortifying now possibly look as if we expected war?" Why should it any more than fortifications made seventy or eighty years ago by our grandfathers when they guarded themselves against successful attack from the armaments of that day. We don't necessarily expect a burglar because we lock our doors at night, but if by any possibility a burglar comes it contributes vastly to our peace of mind and our sound sleep to feel that he can't get in." "But after the fortifications should be constructed would you still maintain the tax on whiskey?" "Yes," said Mr. Blaine, "So long as there is whiskey to tax I would tax it, and when the National Government should have no use for the money I would divide the tax among the Federal Union with specific object of lightening the tax on real estate. The houses and farms of the whole country pay too large a proportion of the total taxes. If ultimately relief could be given in that direction it would, in my judgment, be a wise and beneficent policy. Some honest but misguided friends of temperance have urged that the government should not use the money derived from the tax on whiskey. My reply that the tax on whiskey by the Federal Government, with its suppression of all illicit distillation and consequent enhancement of price, has been a powerful agent in the temperance reform by putting it beyond the reach of so many. The amount of whiskey consumed in the United States per capita to-day is not more than 40 per cent. of that consumed thirty years ago. After a few moments' silence Mr. Blaine added that in his judgment the whiskey tax should be so modified as to permit all who use pure alcohol in the arts or mechanical pursuits to have it free from tax. In all such cases the tax should be remitted without danger of fraud, just as now the tax on spirits exported is remitted. "Besides your general and sweeping opposition to the President's recommendation have you any further specific objection?" "Yes," answered Mr. Blaine; "I should seriously object to the repeal of the duty on wool. To repeal that would work great injustice to many interests and would seriously discourage what we should encourage, namely, the sheep culture among farmers throughout the Union. To break wool-growing and be dependent on foreign countries for the blanket under which we sleep and the coat that covers our back is not a wise policy for the National Government to enforce. "Do you think if the President's recommendation were adopted it would increase our export trade?' "Possibly in some articles of peculiar construction it might, but it would increase our import trade tenfold as much in the great staple fabrics, in woollen and cotton goods, in iron, in steel, in all the thousand and one shapes in which they are wrought. How are we to export staple fabrics to the markets of Europe unless we make them cheaper than they do in Europe, and how are we to manufacture them cheaper than they do in Europe unless we get cheaper labor than they have in Europe?" "Then you think that the question of labor underlies the whole subject?" "Of course it does," replied Mr. Blaine. "It is, in fact, the entire question. Whenever we can force carpenters, masons, ironworkers, and mechanics in every department to work as cheaply and live as poorly in the United States as similar workmen in Europe, we can, of course, manufacture just as cheaply as they do in England and France. But I am totally opposed to a policy that would entail such results. To attempt it is equivalent to a social and financial revolution, one that would bring untold distress. "Yes, but might not the great farming class be benefited by importing articles from Europe instead of buying them at higher prices at home?" "The moment," answered Mr. Blaine, "you begin to import freely from Europe you drive our own workmen from mechanical and manufacturing pursuits. In the same proportion they become tillers of the soil, increasing steadily the agricultural products and decreasing steadily the large home demand which is constantly enlarging as home manufactures enlarge. That, of course, works great injury to the farmer, glutting the market with his products and tending constantly to lower prices." "Yes, but the foreign demand for farm products would be increased in like ratio, would it not?" enormous gold yield in California. The powers made peace in 1856, and at the same time the output of gold in California fell off. Immediately the financial panic of 1857 came upon the country with disastrous force. Though we had in these years mined a vast amount of gold in California, every bank in New York was compelled to suspend specie payment. Four hundred millions in gold had been carried out of the country in eight years to pay for foreign goods that should have been manufactured at home, and we had years of depression and distress as an atonement for our folly.' "Then do you mean to imply that there should be no reduction of the national revenue?" No; what I have said implies the reverse. I would reduce it by a prompt repeal of the tobacco tax, and would make here and there some changes in the tariff, not to reduce protection, but wisely foster 'Would you explain your meaning more fully?" "Even suppose it were," said Mr. Blaine, "do you know the source from which it will be supplied? The tendency in Russia today, and in the Asiatic possessions of Eng-it. land, is toward a large increase of the grain supply, the grain being raised by the cheapest possible labor. Manufacturing countries will buy their breadstuffs where they can get them the cheapest, and the enlarging of the home market for the American farmer being checked, he would search in vain for one of the same value. His foreign sales are already checked by the great competition abroad. There never was a time when the increase of a large home market was so valuable to him. The best proof is that the farmers are prosperous in proportion to the nearness of manufacturing centres, and a protective tariff tends to spread manufactures. In Ohio and Indiana, for example, though not classed as manufacturing States, the annual value of fabrics is larger than the annual value of agricultural products." "But those holding the President's views," remarked the reporter, are always quoting the great prosperity of the country under the tariff of 1846." "I mean," said Mr. Blaine, "that no great system of revenue, like our tariff, can operate with efficiency and equity unless the changes of trade be closely watched and the law promptly adapted to those changes. But I would make no change that should impair the protective character of the whole body of the tariff laws. Four years ago, in the act of 1883, we made changes of the character I have tried to indicate. If such changes were made, and the fortifying of our sea coast thus undertaken at a very moderate annual outlay, no surplus would be found after that already accumulated had been disposed of. The outlay of money on fortifications, while doing great service to the country, would give good work to many men." "But what about the existing surplus?" The abstract of the message I have seen, replied Mr. Blaine, “contains no reference to that point. I, therefore, make no comment further that to endorse Mr. Fred. Grant's remark, that a surplus is always easier to handle than a deficit." The reporter repeated the question whether the President's recommendation would not, if adopted, give us the advantage of a large increase in exports. "That tariff did not involve the one destructive point recommended by the President, namely, the retaining of direct internal taxes in order to abolish indirect taxes levied on foreign fabrics. But the country had peculiar advantages under it by the Crimean War involving England, France, and Russia, and largely impairing "I only repeat," answered Mr. Blaine, their trade. All these incidents, or acci- "it would vastly increase our imports while dents, if you choose, were immensely stimu❘ the only export it would seriously increase lating to the trade in the United States, would be our gold and silver. That would regardless to the nature of our tariff. But flow out bounteously, just as it did under mark the end of this European experience with the tariff of 1846, which for a time gave an illusory and deceptive show of prosperity. Its enactment was immediately followed by the Mexican War; then, in 1848, by the great convulsions of Europe; then, in 1849 and succeeding years, by the the tariff of 1846. The President's recommendation enacted into law would result, as did an experiment in drainage of a man who wished to turn a swamp into a productive field. He dug a drain to a neighboring river, but it happened, unfortunately, that the level of the river was higher than the level of the swamp. The consequence need not be told. A parallel would be found when the President's policy in attempting to open a channel for an increase of exports should simply succeed in making way for a deluging inflow of fabrics to the destruction of home industry." "But don't you think it important to increase our export trade?" The truth has been so long obscured by certain local questions of unreasoning prejudice that nobody can hope for industrial enlightenment among the leaders just yet. But in my view the South above all sections of the Union needs a protective tariff. The two Virginias, North Carolina, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee, Alabama, and Georgia have enormous resources and facilities for developing and handling manufactures. They cannot do anything without protection. Even progress so vast as some of those States have made will be checked Undoubtedly; but it is vastly more important not to lose our own great market for our own people in vain effort to reach the impossible. It is not our foreign trade that has caused the wonderful growth and if the President's message is enacted into expansion of the republic. It is the vast domestic trade between thirty-eight States and eight Territories, with their population of, perhaps, 62,000,000 to-day. The whole amount of our export and import trade together has never, I think, reached $1,900,000,000 any one year. Our internal home trade on 130,000 miles of railway, along 15,000 miles of ocean coast, over the five great lakes and along 20,000 miles of navigable rivers, reaches the enormous annual aggregate of more than $40,000,000,000, and perhaps this year $50,000,000,000. law. Their Senators and Representatives can prevent it, but they are so used to folfowing anything labelled 'democratic' that very probably they will follow the President and the progress already made. By the time some of the Southern States get free iron ore and coal, while tobacco is taxed, they may have occasion to sit down and calculate the value of democratic free trade to their local interests.,' "Will not the President's recommendation to admit raw material find strong support?" 66 "It is into this illimitable trade, even 'Not by wise Protectionists in our time. now in its infancy and destined to attain a Perhaps some greedy manufacturers may magnitude not dreamed of twenty years ago, think that with free coal or free iron ore that the Europeans are struggling to enter. they can do great things, but if they should It is the heritage of the American people, succeed in trying will, as the boys say, catch of their children, and of their children's it on the rebound. If the home trade in children. It gives an absolutely free trade raw materials is destroyed or seriously inover a territory nearly as large as all Eu- jured railroads will be the first to feel it. rope, and the profit is all our own. The If that interest is crippled in any direction genuine Free-trader appears unable to see the financial fabric of the whole country or comprehend that this continental trade will feel it quickly and seriously. If any not our exchanges with Europe-is the great source of our prosperity. President Cleveland now plainly proposes a policy that will admit Europe to a share of this trade." "But you are in favor of extending our foreign trade, are you not?'' "Certainly I am, in all practical and advantageous ways, but not on the principle of the Free-traders, by which we shall be constantly exchanging dollar for dime. Moreover, the foreign trade is often very delusive. Cotton is manufactured in the city of my residence. If a box of cotton goods is sent 200 miles to the province of New Brunswick, it is foreign trade. If shipped 17,000 miles round Cape Horn to Washington Territory it is domestic trade. The magnitude of the Union and the immensity of its internal trade require a new political economy. The treatises written for European States do not grasp our peculiar situation." "How will the President's message be received in the South?" "I don't dare to answer that question. man can give a reason why we should arrange the tariff to favor the raw material of other countries in a competition against our material of the same kind, I should like to hear it. Should that recommendation of the President be approved it would turn 100,000 American laborers out of employment before it had been a year in operation." "What must be the marked and general effect of the President's message?" "It will bring the country where it ought to be brought-to a full and fair contest on the question of protection. The President himself makes the one issue by presenting no other in his message. I think it well to have the question settled. The democratic party in power is a standing menace to the industrial prosperity of the country. That menace should be removed or the policy it foreshadows should be made certain. Nothing is so mischievous to business as uncertainty, nothing so paralyzing as doubt." G. W. SMALLEY. THE NATIONAL CONVENTIONS OF 1888. The Democratic Convention. better than anything else, illustrate the lines THE Democratic party, being in power, of difference between them. One of the assumed the customary role of the majority lines was plainly drawn by President Cleveparty, and after a close struggle its National land's message to Congress. This paper Committee called its Convention at St. plainly advocated a reduction of tariff duties Louis, June 5th, two weeks in advance of with a view to reduce to the actual requirethe time fixed by the Republicans. The ments of an economic administration of sessions continued throughout three days, governmental affairs, the surplus in the being somewhat prolonged by the differ- treasury, then approximating $80,000,000. ences of opinion upon the platform, the He opposed the repeal or reduction of the immediate friends of the Cleveland admin- internal revenue taxes, upon the ground istration desiring an unqualified endorse- that the" were placed upon luxuries. Mr. ment of the Presidential message relating Blaine answered this message for the Reto the tariff, and as well to the Mills bill, publican party, and opposed any system of the measure supported in the lower House tariff reduction which tended to free trade, of Congress by all of the Democrats save and favored the repeal of the internal those led by Samuel J. Randall, who stood revenue taxes upon tobacco and upon all upon the platform "straddle" of 1884. liquors used in the arts. So that the truthFinally the differences were partially ad- ful and probably the most compact statejusted by a reaffirmation of the platform of ment of the position of the two great parties 1884, and very decided endorsements of is this: The Democratic party in the camboth the President's message and the Mills paign of 1888 favors an established tendency bill. The result was not satisfactory to the Protective-Tariff Democrats, but they were without large or courageous representation, and the platform was adopted with but one dissenting vote. (For platform and comparison of platforms of the Conventions of the two great parties, see Book II.) to free trade; the Republican party opposes any such tendency, and rather than promote it in any way, would repeal all of the internal revenue taxes and enlarge the pension list-in this way disposing of the treasury surplus. The platform of the Republican party not only followed, but On the third day Grover Cleveland, of went beyond the expressed views of Mr. New York, was nominated for President by Blaine, and accepted in the plainest way acclamation. A ballot was started for the issue thrust upon the country by Mr. Vice-President, between Allen G. Thurman, Cleveland's message. The position of the of Ohio, and Governor Gray, of Indiana, two great parties had been anticipated by bat before it closed Thurman's nomination their respective leaders, and both Convenwas so apparent that Gray was withdrawn, tions advanced beyond the lines laid down and the nomination made unanimous. In by these leaders, and entered upon the the midst of the applause which followed, campaign in this shape. the California delegation presented to the Convention thousands of the "red bandana worn by the "old Roman" Thurman, and it was immediately placed upon the standard of every State, and accepted as the emblem of the Democratic party. The Republican Convention. The National Convention of the Republican party met in Chicago, June 19th, and continued its sessions until the evening of the 25th. Major McKinley, of Ohio, was the Chairman of the Committee on Platform, and on the second day made a unanimous report, which was adopted with great enthusiasm. The platforms of the two great parties, During the ballotings of the Republican Convention Mr. Blaine was upon all save the last solidly supported by the California On the delegation and by scattering votes last day Hon. Charles A. Boutelle, Chairman of the Maine delegation, read two cablegrams from Mr. Blaine, who was then in Edinboro, Scotland, asking his friends to respect his Paris letter of declination. It was at any time within the power of his friends to nominate him, but his final refusal led nearly all of them to vote for General Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, at all times one of the leading candidates before the Convention. There was no general combination, but the nomination was largely traceable to the expediency of selecting both of the candidates from pivotal States 20* Fitler, 24 Withdrawn. Hawley, 13 Withdrawn. Lincoln, 3 2 Blaine, 35 33 35 42 48 40 5 Mr. Griggs, of New Jersey, presented the name of William Walter Phelps, of New Jersey, for Vice-President, which was seconded by Mr. Gibson, of Ohio, Mr. Eagan, of Nebraska, and Mr. Oliver, of Iowa, and others. Senator Warner Miller, of New York, presented the name of Hon. Levi P. Morton, of New York, which was seconded by Mr. Sage, of California, Governor Foster, of Ohio, Mr. Oliver, of South Carolina, General Hastings, of Pennsylvania, and others. Mr. McElwee, of Tennessee, presented The nomination was then made unani mous. Mr. Boutelle, of Maine, then addressed the Chair and stated that he desired to offer a resolution to be added to the platform, as follows: "The first concern of all good government is the virtue and sobriety of the people and the purity of the home. The Republican party cordially sympathizes with all wise and well-directed efforts for the promotion of temperance and morality." As soon as this was read there was a rush from the various States to second the motion, and, after some time, the question was put and the resolution adopted by a rising vote, only one delegate from Maryland recording himself in the negative. In this way the above temperance sentiment was made part of the platform. It was due largely to the attitude of the Republican party within many of the States, where in the current and previous year it favored high-license laws and the submission to a vote of the people prohibitory constitutional amendments. THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1888. SHORTLY after the adjournment of the hundred thousand to their National ComNational Conventions, the National Committee. It was a business battle, largely mittees of the two great parties opened head- waged between the manufacturing and imquarters in New York City, Senator M. S. porting interests, the smaller farmers being Quay being Chairman of the Republican allies of the manufacturers, the planters National and Executive committees, with adhering to their support of the Free Trade full authority in one head, while ex-Senator tendencies of the Democratic party. The Barnum headed the Democratic National, literary and oratorical features of the canand Calvin Brice its Executive Committee. vass were not neglected, and tariff discussion Both Committees devoted themselves to was the order of the day and the night practical political work, and the result was throughout the entire country. The pivotal a greater expenditure of money than was States were, in the order of their importever previously known. From information ance, New York, Indiana, Connecticut, gathered by the writer, it can be safely New Jersey, West Virginia, and California. stated that the Democratic National Com- From the day of General Harrison's nomimittee, with its drafts upon the Federal nation, Indiana became, and continued, the office-holders, raised two millions of dollars, scene of the most intense political excitewhile the Republican business men and ment. Visiting delegations called upon the manufacturers contributed one million three nominee from every town and hamlet in |