correlative. Here, too, the question of genuineness has been oftenest raised. The non-correlative extreme is represented by the Euthynus, whose peculiarities have already been noted, and which may be called the "ultra-forensic" specimen of Isocrates' style. At the opposite poles .stand the Trapeziticus and De Bigis. The former was regarded by Benseler as a school exercise; and Dionysius of Halicarnassus lays especial stress on its "epideictic " character. As to the use of wore, it shows a ratio of correl. 33: non-correl. 1.

The De Bigis, ostensibly a court speech, is in effect a glorification of the elder Alcibiades. Jebb notes its “thoroughly epideictic” character. In its use of correlation it stands highest of the Forensic works, and second in the whole Isocracorrel. 4: non-correl. I.

tean corpus:

But the tone is not uniform throughout the whole fragment, and an analysis was here presented showing its composite structure. A speech assigned to one department may show clearly-marked strata of material belonging properly to another. The divisions made were: (1) (secs. 5-21) narrative mixed with argument — the tone partly apologetic; (2) (25-38) pure narrative — bold and unqualified panegyric; (3) (39-50) argument and personal plea. In use of WOTE, (1) shows correl. 3: non-correl. 1; in (2) (having 10 examples in all) every one is correl.; in (3) all are non-correls. This analysis and the estimate of the stylistic features of the several divisions are closely confirmed by Drerup (Neu. Jahrb. Suppl. Bd. 22, h. 2). He concludes that “this oration proves the forensic diction in Isocrates to be different from the epideictic."

An analysis was also made of the Panegyricus, one of the longer speeches and one of the most consciously artistic. The sections which are clearly of the epideictic order, pieces of "fine writing," recounting the ancient achievements of Athens, aggregating one-half of the speech, show a ratio of correl. to noncorrel. of 4: I, as against 3: I for the whole work, and 1:1 for those portions which could be described as the opposite of epideictic.

Analyses of a number of other orations showed similar results, not always so striking as those presented, but in the main consistent with them and tending to show the stylistic belongings of these two types of wore sentence.

The use of the moods after wore appears not to be, per se, an index of style. It is true, eg, that Lysias has a larger ratio of finite verbs to infinitives than Isocrates, - 2:1 as against 1: 1; but this loses independent significance when we recall the larger use in Lysias of the non-correlative type of σre sentence; for in this type the finite verb, for obvious reasons, almost crowds out the infinitive. To get at the separate value of the mood test, we ought to eliminate the factor of correlation, ¿.e. compare the use of moods within each type. The differences are found to be very slight. In non-correlative examples we find that the ratio of finite verbs to infinitives is as 3:1 for Lysias, 33: 1 for Isocrates. In correlative examples, Lysias has 7 finite : 6 infinitives; Isocrates, II: 9. So, in different speeches and parts of speeches of these authors, so long as we study the correlative and non-correlative types separately, statistics of the moods have no story to tell of a difference in style. That the use of the finite verb is not a mark of negligentia, its preponderance in Isocrates would seem to show with sufficient clearness. The fact comes out still more clearly in a comparison of Isocrates and Xenophon. In Isocrates finite verbs stand to infinitives as 1:1; in Xenophon, as 1:1 (according to Wehmann's figures).

I

17. Plato's Studies in Greek Literature, by Carleton L. Brownson, of Yale University.

External evidence regarding Plato's literary tastes and studies is not wanting, but it is far less adequate and trustworthy than the internal evidence. It is the latter, therefore, which the present paper aims to collect and analyze, considering first, the comments which are to be found in Plato's dialogues upon poetry and the poets, and second, his citations from the works of poets of his own age and of the earlier centuries. The few famous passages, however, which condemn so sternly the moral teachings of Homer, Hesiod, and the dramatists are reserved to be the subject of a later paper.

I. Plato regards the poets as the earliest sages of Greece, “our fathers and leaders in wisdom" (Lys. 214 A.), their mission corresponding to that of the philosophers in later times (cf. Prot. 316 D., Theaet. 152 E.). They differ, however, from the philosophers in that their wisdom is the product of inspiration, not of reason. This difference is everywhere (e.g. Apol. 22 C., Ion 533 D. ff., Leg. 719 C.) strongly insisted upon, as marking the superiority of the philosopher. In general, Plato sometimes speaks kindly of the poet (cf. especially Symp. 209 A. ff., Phaedr. 245 A.), but more often slightingly. He is one of the unnecessary additions to a state (Rep. 373 B.), his aim is merely to flatter and give pleasure (Gorg. 501 ff.), and he is rated among the very lowest as regards his comprehension of truth (Phaedr. 248 D.).

Plato has nevertheless made the art of the poet a subject of careful study. This is shown by the well-known passage (Rep. 392 D. ff.), in which he marks the boundaries between the various types of poetry. The first lines of the Iliad are referred to as illustrating a combination of the narrative and mimetic methods. Change the direct to indirect discourse, and the result is simple narrative; or drop the lines which intervene between the speeches, and we have tragedy. It follows, then, that poetry may be either simple narrative or imitation or a combination of both. Clearly Plato is here preparing the foundation upon which Aristotle builds in the Poetics, while at the same time making it evident that he might himself have reared the superstructure.

Plato also proves by very frequent allusions his full knowledge of everything pertaining to the art of the dramatist. Not only does he resort to the theatre for illustrations and comparisons in almost all the dialogues, but he employs in at least two instances (Symp. 194 B., Rep. 373 B.) technical expressions of the playwright which are found nowhere else in classic Greek literature.

II. Plato's references to individual poets and his citations from their works are so numerous that they can only be treated in the most cursory manner. Even the earliest, half mythical bards of Greece - Amphion, Marsyas, Olympus, Orpheus, Musaeus, Eumolpus, Thamyris—are all known to him. Orpheus, indeed, is directly quoted in several instances. Coming to the more real names of later times, we find Plato gleaning over the entire field of Greek literature. In all his citations he is seeking primarily such passages as will serve his purpose in philosophical argument, either by way of proof or of illustration. This fact explains why he cites Theognis more often than Sappho, and Euripides more often than Sophocles. On the other hand, he often quotes what seems to him false or injurious doctrine in order to refute it, while again, laying aside any utili

tarian motive, he simply yields to the natural impulse of the widely read man of letters. Plato seldom suggests, even by a word, his opinion of the poet from whom he is quoting. Only to Homer does he award an unstinted measure of praise, to Hesiod the lesser honor which constant association with Homer reflects upon him. Among the writers of elegiac verse, Plato quotes more or less frequently from Tyrtaeus, Solon, Phocylides, and Theognis. Archilochus, the iambic poet, is not quoted, but is mentioned with honor. The lyric poets, excepting Pindar and Simonides, receive rather scant attention. Plato has not transcribed a line from Sappho, Alcaeus, or Anacreon. Simonides, however, is quoted in several dialogues, being even thought worthy to furnish a theme for discussion to such men as Socrates and Protagoras. From Pindar we have no less than eleven citations in almost as many dialogues, a fact which must be taken as showing how highly Plato regarded the Theban poet.

Among the comedians Plato has rather a wide acquaintance. He either quotes or alludes to Epicharmus, Pherecrates, Eupolis, Plato Comicus, and Aristophanes. On the other hand, it is very noticeable that he neither mentions nor quotes a single tragedian except the three great masters and Agathon. Euripides, the most quotable of the three, is quoted rather more frequently than Aeschylus, i.e. the former in eleven instances, the latter in nine. Euripides is also referred to in at least two passages (Rep. 568 A., Phaedr. 268 C.) as a representative tragedian. Sophocles, strange to say, is almost ignored. He is not once mentioned by name as the author of a single quotation, and only once (Symp. 196 C.) can we be entirely sure that Plato is quoting from him. This fact has given rise to the supposition that the philosopher cherished some ill feeling towards Sophocles. Such a supposition is rendered entirely improbable by a consideration of the two passages in Plato (Rep. 329 B.C., Phaedr. 268 C.D.) in which Sophocles is mentioned by name.

Epic poetry to Plato is comprised in the works of Homer and Hesiod. The cyclic poets are not so much as mentioned. Only once (Euthyphro 12 A.B.) two verses are cited which the scholiast ascribes to the Cypria. Hesiod is directly quoted fourteen times in eight dialogues. But one of these quotations is from the Theogony, the rest from the Works and Days. The references to the poet are comparatively numerous and, as has been suggested, for the most part complimentary. Nevertheless Plato seems to have been less thoroughly acquainted with Hesiod than with any other great poet. The most inexact quotation in all the dialogues (Rep. 469 A., Crat. 397 E.) is one from the Works and Days, while on the other hand two passages in the Cratylus (396 C., 402 B.) show that Plato was entirely unfamiliar with the Theogony.

Coming now to Homer, we find that Plato quotes from the Iliad 77, from the Odyssey 35 times. The total number of quotations, therefore, is 112, of lines quoted 212. From all other poets cited we have a total of about 170 lines in about 75 quotations. Further, apart from direct quotations or general allusions, Plato refers to individual Homeric lines or passages 77 times. He either quotes

or refers to passages in 23 books of the Iliad and 18 of the Odyssey, 41 in all out of 48; and some Homeric quotation or reference is found in all the dialogues which Christ (Griech. Litteraturgesch., p. 376 ff.) classes as genuine except two the Parmenides and Critias. The Republic contains rather more than a third of the total number of citations.

The first question suggested by an examination of Plato's citations from Homer is, how correctly does he quote? This question has been recently treated by Prof. G. E. Howes,1 who finds that Plato is in general remarkably true to his text of Homer, and that apparent mistakes cannot fairly be charged to his ignorance or carelessness. A few further points may be stated which make the case even stronger for Plato. First, in at least two-thirds of his quotations it is certain or altogether probable that he either gives us the exact words of his text or changes them only in so far as the structure of his sentence requires. Second, only two cases can be found where it even seems that he has quoted the same Homeric verse differently in different passages (Z 211 in Soph. 268 D., Rep. 547 A.; and κ 495 in Rep. 386 D. and Meno 100 A.). The variants are in the one instance To and rŷs, in the other ai and ral. Surely such differences as these are more probably to be charged to copyists than to Plato. Third, Plato perfectly understands every line which he quotes, perfectly appreciates the spirit of Homer, and continually reveals a boundless reserve fund of knowledge. In truth "Plato kannte seinen Homer vortrefflich." 2

Did he then quote from memory? Such a supposition seems to offer the only possible explanation for two well-known passages (379 D., 408 A.) in the Republic. In none beside these can we surely convict Plato of lack of knowledge and failure to look up his authority. In general I believe that while Plato did refer to Homeric lines without verifying his references, he did not in the majority of cases quote from memory. This is a question of probability and not one where proof is possible. My conclusion is based first, upon the remarkable accuracy of much the greater part of Plato's quotations. Second, despite mistaken references which reveal the inexactness and incompleteness of his knowledge, he is as precise when quoting less familiar passages as when dealing with the first lines of the Iliad. Third, a close comparison of Rep. 405 E. and Ion 538 C. seems to me to show either that Plato verified his quotation in the Ion, or that he knew or remembered his Homer better while composing the Ion than while composing the Republic. The first conclusion is the easier and, if valid, is significant in its bearing upon the entire question.

18. Rome's Foreign Population, 100 B.C.-100 A.D., by Dr. W. F. Palmer, of West View, Ohio.

The object of this paper is, first, to ascertain the nationalities composing Rome's foreign population for this period, and, second, to learn something regarding their occupations. The following is a synopsis.

1. The influences at work in Rome which tended to attract foreigners. II. A discussion of the question of the total population of the city and the proportion of foreign population. III. The legislation regarding foreigners. IV. The Jews. V. The Chaldeans. VI. The Greeks. VII. The Egyptians. VIII. The question of slavery: (a) Private slaves; (b) Public slaves; (c) Part taken by slaves in the management of the commercial and industrial business of the city; (4) Construction of the city's great improvement. IX. The countries from which Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, Vol. VI.

* La Roche, Homerische Textkritik, p. 32.

the Romans obtained their slaves and the work performed by each class of slaves: (a) Asia; (b) Syria and Cappadocia; (c) India; (d) Africa; (e) Gaul; (f) Germany; (g) Moesia and Liburnia; (h) Sardinia; (i) Britain. X. Conclusions.

I subjoin some brief remarks with reference to a few of the topics discussed. II. It is impossible to ascertain with even approximate accuracy, either the total population of the city at this time or the proportion of foreigners. Citizens in provinces and municipal towns are usually included in the few statements bearing upon the population of the city (Val. Paterc. II. 7. 7; Livy XLI. 8; XLII. 10). Julius Caesar alone distributed 80,000 citizens among colonies across the sea (Suet. Jul. 42), and Augustus 120,000 (Monum. Ancyr.). Mithridates put to death 80,000 Roman citizens who were doing business in Asia (Val. Max. IX. 2, 3). The data furnished by the Monumentum Ancyranum (tabula tertia a laeva 15-16) and by Suetonius (Jul. 41) regarding the distribution of money and grain to the plebeians are insufficient. After making computation for the women, children, equites, and senators, we shall do little but guess-work in attempting to reach a numerical conclusion, for the number of freedmen, slaves, and foreigners is wholly past finding out.

IV. The Jews. The conclusions regarding the Jews are based upon the fʊllowing passages: Cicero, pro Flac. 28, 66; de provin. consul. 5, 10; Horace, Sat. I. 4, 140-143; 9, 61-72; Ovid, Remed. Amor. 219, Ars Amat. I. 76; Josephus, Antiq. XIV. 10. 2–8, XVII. 11. 1, XVIII. 3. 5; Persius, V. 184; Juvenal, VI. 543-547, XIV. 96-106; Tacitus, Ann. II. 85, XV. 44, Hist. IV. 3-6, V. 5. 13, frag. 2; Suetonius, Jul. 84, Tiber. 36; Appian, II. 39; Dio Cass. LX. 3. At Rome there were enough Jews to form by themselves an important city. Many of them were business men, some were slaves, some artisans, and others were engaged in the work of proselyting, while still others, especially women, made gain by working upon the superstition of the populace.

V. The Chaldeans. The following passages are most valuable in giving information regarding the Chaldeans: Cicero, de div. II. 42-47, 99; Val. Max. I. 3, 3; Pliny, H. N. XXX. 2, XXXVII. 100; Juvenal, VI. 553, X. 93; Tacitus, Ann. II. 32, XII. 22; Dio Cass. XLIX. at end, L. 56. LXV. I. This people in a way seems to have supplied the place of the old oracles which had fallen into disuse at this time. Much of the superstition which so characterized the Roman populace at this time was due to the practices of this people. Their power over those high in the state, as Nero, Agrippa, and even Pompey, Crassus, and Caesar, is evidence of their number and pervading influence. One of the strongest pictures in Juvenal is that in which the emperor Tiberius is represented as sitting upon the rock of Capri with his flock of Chaldeans about him.

In our abstract we shall consider only Asia, Syria, and Cappadocia, for from these districts the Romans obtained the most of their slaves.

IX. (a) Asia. Our information must be based chiefly upon the following citations: Cicero, pro Flac. 2, 3; 27, 65; Catullus, X. 6; Livy, XXXIV. 4, XXXIX. 6, XLV. 23; Strabo, XIV. 5; Pliny, H. N. XXXV. 199; Juvenal, V. 56, VII. 130; Florus, III. 12. 6; Justin. XXXI. 8, 9. The occurrence in Roman comedy of such names for slaves as Lydus, Lesbia, Mysis, — names derived from their native countries (cf. Varro, de L. L. VIII. 9), — is evidence of the kind of employment followed. Youths of high birth from these districts