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epitaphs illustrate the two views presented by Seneca (Ad Marciam de Consolatione XII, 1), and the one under discussion displays that attitude for which he expresses his preference: “Si confessa fueris percepisse magnas voluptates, oportet te non de eo quod detractum est queri, sed de eo gratias agere quod contigit.”

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III. - On the Accent of Certain Enclitic Combinations in




JACOB WACKERNAGEL, who has done so much for our knowledge of Greek accent, contributed in a Baseler Programm for 1893 certain “Beiträge zur Lehre vom Griechischen Akzent.” While Hirt in his recent (1895) Handbuch des Indogermanischen Akzents accepts some of Wackernagel's contentions, he rejects his ingenious explanation of the retraction of the accent in érywye, etc., and attempts to include this also under a new and, as it will perhaps seem to many, artificial formula which he uses to explain the shift of accent like that in untnp and untpós. Hirt's formula (p. 32) is : “Ruht der Ton auf einer langen Ultima, so wird der Akzent urückgezogen,”e.g. ovos as against Skr. vasnás. He therefore ssumes that an original *ěryw and *ējou were thus preserved y the case of the nom. and dat. of ērywrye. Wackernagel's ontention (Beitr. p. 20) was that the retracted accent of the em έμο- is older than the oxytone έμός ; that therefore έμοιγε

older than émoí; that trywye (although éryó corresponded to r. ahám, accent and all), developing on a combination later něuolye, adapted its accent to the latter, while èuére is lained away by assuming its development from *pérye and othetic e. As Hirt (p. 33) remarks, this is 'schön ausgeit,' but is not convincing. But neither do I feel convinced he value of Hirt's general formula, and consequently do accept his incidental settlement of this point. The extion previously (1891) suggested by me in a foot-note to

A. J. P. Vol. XII., is, I still think, as plausible as any. guing there against Professor B. I. Wheeler's brilliant

theory 1 of a ‘Dactylic paroxytone law' there is pointed out the behavior of the accent in active oxytone compounds with trochaic endings like Kuvnyós, MEROTTOLÓS, etc., and recessive compounds like avtípwvos, etc. Here we find that the alternative is strict, either oxytone or proparoxytone — not even properispomenon is resorted to except in certain categories which doubtless have their own explanation. There was also drawn into connection with this the most striking deviation in Greek from the so-called “Three Morae Law.' In such a sentence, for example, as ävāpwTTOL en TT ÍTT TOVOLV Ewev, there occurs in three of the five words this skipping of the long penult in violation of the 'three morae' principle. Whatever may be the ultimate explanation of all these phenomena, it does not seem to me that we can as yet go back of a simple repugnance of the language to accenting the penult in words ending with this trochaic cadence.2

In the words in question we find :

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that is, where the genitive already gave a properispomenon, no change was made ; but, as changing the nom. and dat. into properispomena was evidently out of the question, the accent was retracted and we find the familiar type of proparoxytone with trochaic cadence. The accusative čuéye, again, gave no difficulty ; the tribrach endings, as I have shown in the article cited, fare alike with the dactyls as far as paroxytonesis is concerned. The point in common is that they are both pyrrhics.

1 I venture still to call it a “theory,' although Hirt, following Brugmann's weighty authority, speaks of it as 'eine Entdeckung.' But inasmuch as Hirt (p. 28) says that Wheeler has no phonetic explanation to offer further than “die Neigung der Sprache ... dem Hochton eine lange Silbe immer vorauszuschicken,' it would seem safer, however enticing this law may appear, still to reserve final assent. I have shown (1.c.) that Brugmann's essentially modified statement (i.e. 'bloss an die Kürze der vorletzten Silbe sich anknüpfend’; see Wheeler, p. 61, note) is consistent with facts about tribrach and other endings; these, on the other hand, so obstinately contradict Wheeler's ‘Dactylic Law' as to leave, in my judgment, the burden of proof still upon the shoulders of its adherents.

2 Another explanation, which reduces the penult to one and one-half morae, is advanced by Hirt (p. 37), but not with any very great confidence.

Hirt assumes an *ěryw and *ěuol as preserved in the enclitic combination, and that éryo and tuoi were accented anew after the analogy of éé.

The lack of agreement between such types as Grk. eidos and Skr. védas (Bloomfield, A. J. P. IX. p. 25, which is quoted with approval by Hirt) shows, it might also be urged, how inexorable was the tendency to avoid paroxytonesis in trochaic endings, and this much is plain whether it be attributed with Bloomfield to the recessive tendency or otherwise explained with Hirt. À propos of untnp or Hirt's theoretical *μητήρ μητρός may be mentioned the curious accent of the compound Δημήτηρ, Δήμητρος, where the accent refuses to remain oxytone or to follow the position of that of the nominative and to become properispomenon *Anuntpos in the genitive.1

Doubtless it would be more satisfactory if we could establish a survival of a more ancient *éryw and *ēpol, than it is to fall back thus upon this unexplained tendency to favor a certain cadence. There are other trochaic combinations of enclitics, indeed, that apparently conquer this repugnance and show paroxytone accent, – kaltoi, ņTol, Tocyáptol, toivŭv, kaimep, ootep, ñtep, bote, cide, and cite. These forms are difficult to explain. It may be claimed that the momentum of a common word like kaí is such as to forbid the change of accent in the new and temporary combination with the enclitic, and perhaps this is a sufficient explanation. In none of them, moreover, except towyáptol, would recession beyond the long penult be possible. It is a temptation, however, to try to explain some, at least, of these on other grounds.

The recent — but now generally accepted — explanation of the accent of (properispomenon) oikol (nom.) as compared with (paroxytone) ožkou (loc.) and with the long quantity of the ultima in the opt. mood, by calling in the undertone, drawled (schleifender) accent from the Lithuanian, suggests a possible explanation for the -toi form, and Wackernagel's new explanation of a neglected tradition of the Greek grammarians would tempt one to explain in a similar way those compounded with -vuv and - Tep, if the derivation and other considerations would permit.

i Bopp, Accentuationssystem, p. 20.

If ořkou (loc.), though scanned as a trochee, was accented as a spondee by virtue of the drawled' (schleifender) tone (cf. the perispomenon ’lobuol), why may not ñtol — certainly the accent predominating over ytou (cf. Wackernagel, p. 21) - have been at least reinforced for the same reason? It is, at least, remarkable that the circumflexed n with - Tou becomes paroxytone. The distinction made between ạtoi and ñtoi by tradition is none too clear. Although -tol be identified with ooi, it may nevertheless be entitled to a drawled' tone. Wackernagel (1.c. note to p. 20), in speaking of the circumflex on oi, says: “Im Grunde ist nicht sein (i.e. of oî) Zirkumflex, sondern der Akut der beiden anderen Formen (i.e. ooi, uoí) auffällig, da die Dativ-Locative auf ou sonst zirkumflektiert werden.”

If this hypothesis were true for *toi, then for kaltou and Tolyáptou also. In the latter, as has been said above, a possible proparoxytonesis is avoided.

For τοίνυν, καίπερ, etc., an explanation might seem to be opened up by Wackernagel's theory to explain the accent of enclitic combinations like čvő á Tote. This double accent of čvoa, etc., is handed down by the grammarians (see Chandler, $ 965), although modern editors generally (but cf. Wheeler, p. 128) have ignored it. Wackernagel, appealing for a parallel to the ‘Litauischer Zircumflex' where a circumflex is found with one foot, so to speak, resting on a vowel and the other on a following liquid or nasal, claims that combinations like évő á TOTE, Qúará te, láp tré te, Oápoós moi, really had a circumflex on the first syllable, though it was graphically unprovided for in the Greek signs. If this were admitted as a working principle on Greek ground, one might be tempted thus to explain the paroxytone τοίνυν and even to extend it to καίπερ, etc., were it not for the probable history of -Trep as an enclitic form of I.E. péri. In addition to this objection Professor

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