Immediately upon the close of the Chicago Convention it was evident that a large and influential body of Republicans would not support the ticket. Many influential Republican papers - Harper's Weekly, the New York Times, the Evening Post, the Springfield Republican, Bosion Advertiser and Transcript-openly announced that they would not support Blaine and Logan. Meetings of Independent Republicans were held, and though no steps were taken to nominate a new ticket, it was evident that they were anxiously awaiting the action of the Democratic Convention, averring their inclination to support its ticket if the candidate was objectionable. In the

case of Greeley, the Democrats accepted the candidate of the discontented Republicans; now the case was reversed, and the latter looked hopefully for such a Democratic nominee as they could heartily support.

The Democratic Convention met also at Chicago, in July, and when those whom the party in each State selected to deliberate on a choice of candidates assembled to exchange views as to the men most likely to rouse the enthusiasm of the party-adherents and meet the general wishes of the country, they proved to be composed of elements as irreconcilable as those which constituted the Republican Convention, where men took part in the deliberations and acts, but denounced the final result.

The leading candidate soon showed himself in the person of Grover Cleveland, Governor of New York, a man comparatively unknown, and with no national record. Yet on the first ballot, out of 820 votes, he received 392, representing every State except eight; the vote of New York, 72, being cast solid for him under the unit rule, although a strong minority in New York opposed him. Next to Cleveland stood Bayard, of Delaware, with 170 votes; and Thurman, of Ohio, with 87; the remaining ballots were given to Randall, McDonald, Carlisle, Flower, and Hoadly.

Efforts to unite the opposition on any candidate failed, and on the second ballot Cleveland received 683 votes, Bayard 87, and Hendricks 45. Cleveland was therefore declared the nominee of the Democratic party. The Convention, by a unanimous vote, chose Thomas A. Hendricks, of Indiana, as the party candidate for the second place on the Presidential ticket, his own State being the last to cast its vote for him.

This Convention showed the breaking away of the old party lines, in the presence of General Butler as a Democratic delegate, and aspirant to the Presidential nomination at the hands of a party to which he had been a stranger for twenty years. It was evident, too, that the old war influence had exhausted itself, neither party putting forward a military candidate for the office of Chief Magistrate of the nation.

The nomination of Cleveland was received with little enthusiasm among the Democratic masses, and from the first a strong feeling adverse to him was manifested. He had been raised to the Governorship of New York by a kind of convulsive movement, but several of his acts had arrayed against him a deep hostility in the labor organizations. A disposition to underhand dealing, with a view to save his reputation with some classes, while gratifying others, had made many suspicious of him. Accordingly journals which had habitually placed the Democratic nominees at the head of their columns and advocated their support, took no notice of the nomination of

On neither side, as it will be seзn, does the candidate receive general, hearty, enthusiastic support.

Stephen Grover Cleveland is of New England origin. His great-grandfather, Aaron Cleveland, born February 9th, 1744, in East Haddam, Conn., carried on business as a hat-maker in Norwich for the greater part of an active life. He was a stanch anti-slavery Republican, and introduced into the Connecticut Legislature the first bill to abolish slavery. He died in New Haven in 1815. His son Charles, born in 1772 in Norwich, became a city missionary in Boston, and was widely known as "Father Cleveland." A daughter, the youngest of thirteen children, married Dr. Samuel H. Cox, whose son, Arthur Cleveland Cox, is now Episcopal Bishop of Western New York. Aaron Cleveland's second son, William, the grandfather of the Governor, was a silversmith by trade, and lived for the greater part of his life at Beacon Hill, on the outskirts of Norwich. He died at Black Rock, Buffalo, in 1837. His second son, Richard Falling Cleve land, was the Governor's father. He was born in Norwich, June 19th, 1804. He was graduated from Yale in 1824, and entered the ministry, first at Baltimore, where he married a daughter of Abner Neal, of that city. There were nine children of this marriage, of whom the present Governor of New York was the fifth.

The little village of Caldwell, in Essex County, N.J., a few miles southwest from Paterson, was Stephen Grover Cleveland's birthplace. The house where he was born is still standing. When young Cleveland was three years old the family removed to Fayetteville, in Onondaga County, N. Y. Here the boy attended the village school. When he was fourteen years old he became very eager to be sent to some academy. But his father, being a country clergyman with a large family and a small income, felt unable to meet such an expense. Accordingly, the future Governor of New York began life, so to speak, in the country store, at $50 for the first year. Upon the death of his father young Cleveland turned toward the City of New York to seek his fortune. For two years he taught there in the Asylum for the Blind, and then went to Buffalo, the home of his uncle, Allan.

It was Cleveland's wish to study law. By persistent effort he obtained from the firm of Rogers, Brown & Rogers a place as office-boy, with permission to use the law library. He was paid a few dollars a week for his services. Out of this scanty sum he had to board and clothe himself. The walk to and from his uncle's was a long one, and the young clerk's first Winter was memorably severe.

After his years of patient study he was admitted to the Bar, but remained with the firm to perfect himself in his profession. At the age of twenty-five he was made Assistant District-attorney for Erie County, and obtained a field for displaying his real legal ability. His popularity was such, that in 1865 he was nominated for Districtattorney, and was beaten by a small majority. He then began practice in connection with J. V. Vanderpoel, but in 1870 accepted the nomination for Sheriff of Erie County, and was elected.

After the close of his term he resumed practice, and had won the confidence of a large body of clients in the best commercial and financial positions.

Buffalo had suffered from municipal misgovernment, and in 1881 Mr. Cleveland was proposed as a reform candidate. Buffalo is usually Republican by from 2,000 to 5,000 majority, and Mr. Cleveland's election on the Dem

ocratic ticket by a majority of 5,000 was simply a tribute to his personal popularity and personal integrity.

His career as Mayor in checking all extravagance and corruption gave him a reputation that spread, and was actively spread over the State. He was soon talked of as an available candidate for Governor, and even for President.

In September, 1882, he received the Gubernatorial nomination. He received a full Democratic vote, and in addition, the ballots of numbers of discontented Republican, who had become heartily weary of the rule of machine politicians. Cleveland's majority as Governor was nearly 200,000.

This unexampled success made it clear that he would be brought forward at the next National Convention as a candidate for the Presidency.

As Governor of the State, he has not retained the popularity of the party which nominated him. His vetoes were numerous, and some, like that of the Five-cent Fare Bill, which had in view the benefit of the laboring classes, drew upon him great unpopularity. Other acts of his administration have been severely criticised; and errors of judgment are, doubtless, to be expected in one suddenly raised without previous legislative or administrative experience to the Governorship of a great State. All admit that he has been unremitting in his labors, and has guarded, as far as he knew, the State Treasury from all spoliation, and insured economy in the public service.

His election combined all sections of the Democracy, but he at an early period in his administration came into open collision with the Tammany branch of the party, from which now he cannot expect any hearty support. In person the Governor is little above the medium height, well proportioned and portly. His thin, dark hair is tinged with gray, and his eyes are dark. He wears no whiskers, but a heavy, dark mustache. Notwithstanding the number of preachers in his family, he has not been prominent in religious matters, and has, since his manhood, devoted nearly all his time to the law. He is a bachelor.

His ways of life are methodical and democratic. From the Executive Mansion at Albany he usually walks to the Capitol. He is an agreeable companion, and easily approached by all men.

Thomas A. Hendricks, the nominee for the Vice Presidency, has been before his party and the country several times both in connection with the first and second places on the Democratic ticket. In the National Convention, held in Tammany Hall, New York, in 1868, when a member of the United States Senate from Indiana, he was strongly supported for the nomination for the Presidency. On the twenty-first ballot he received 132 votes, and General Hancock 135). It seemed probable that Mr. Hendricks would be the choice of the Convention, but the name of Horatio Seymour was brought forward and unanimously agreed upon. In 1872, owing to the death of Mr. Greeley, the vote of the Democratic Presidential electors of that year was divided, and Mr. Hendricks received forty-two out of the sixty-three votes. Previous to the assembling of the Convention of 1876 in St. Louis, Mr. Hendricks was very prominently brought forward for the first place on the ticket, but events shaped themselves differently than had been anticipated by many, Mr. Tilden was nominated for the Presidency, and Mr. Hendricks for the second position.

Mr. Hendricks began his political career as a member of the Legislature of Indiana in 1845. In 1850 he served as a member of the State Constitutional Convention, and

| gress from Indianapolis. gress from Indianapolis. Having served two terms, in 1855 he retired and accepted an appointment by President Pierce as Commissioner of the Land Office of the United States, in which position he was continued by President Buchanan, resigning in 1859. In 1860 he ran as the Democratic candidate for Governor of Indiana. In 1863 Mr. Hendricks was chosen a member of the United States Senate, where, during his term of service, he was regarded as the Democratic leader. He served on the Committees on Claims, Public Buildings, Judiciary, Public Lands, and Naval Affairs. In 1868 he was again a candidate for Governor, but was defeated. Four years later, however, he was successful in the election.

Mr. Hendricks will be sixty-five years old on the 7th of September next. He is a native of Ohio, born in Muskingum County. When he was three years old his parents removed to Indiana. He was graduated at South Hanover College in 1841, studied law two years at Chambersburg, Pa., and was admitted to the Bar in 1843. He entered at once upon a successful career as a lawyer. He is a communicant in the Episcopal Church.

Such is the personal history of the gentlemen who now stand before the American people to receive their suffrages, and not for many years has there been a time when the result has been more uncertain. With Independent Republicans openly deserting the candidate nominated by a Convention in which they were fully and fairly represented, and as openly announcing their intention to vote for the nominee of another political party; with many Democrats regarding their own party nomination with indifference and distrust, some even forming Blaine and Logan clubs to enlist fellow-Democrats in the Republican ranks, the wisest prophets hesitate to speak with any degree of assurance.

The cry has generally been "Principles, not Men," but in this case it is the reverse; the personal character, ability and temper of the candidates are evidently weighing more with thousands of citizens.

If we look to the platforms, we find that they both lack anything that appeals to the deep national feelings of the people. Both parties, of course, claim to be the embodiment of honesty, and represent their opponents as the leeches who are draining the lifeblood of the country, but in some points both indulge in vague phrases, and the Democratic Convention distinctly refused to accept the Free Trade platform of General Butler. The Republican platform says:

"It is the first duty of a good Government to protect the rights and promote the interests of its own people; the largest diversity of industry is most productive of general prosperity, and of the comfort and independence of the people. We, therefore, demand that the imposition of duties on foreign imports shall be made, not for revenue only, but that in raising the requisite revenues for the Government, such duties shall be so levied as to afford security to our diversified industries, and protection to the rights and wages of the laborer, to the end that active and intelligent labor, as well as capital, may have its just reward, and the laboring man his full share in the national prosperity.

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'Against the so-called economical system of the Democratic party, which would degrade our labor to the foreign standard, we enter our earnest protest. The Democratic party has failed com

pletely to relieve the people of the burden of unnecessary taxation by a wise reduction of the surplus.

"The Republican party pledges itself to correct the inequalities of the tariff, and to reduce the surplus, not by the vicious and indiscriminate process of horizontal reduction, but by such methods as will relieve the taxpayer without injuring the laborer or the great productive interests of the country.

"We recognize the importance of sheep-husbandry in tho United States, the serious depression which it is now experiencing, and the danger threatening its future prosperity; and we therefore