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Instantly, when my ear caught this vast Æolian intonation, when my eye filled with the golden fulness of life, the pomps of the heavens above, or the glory of the flowers below, and turning when it settled upon the frost which overspread my sister's face, instantly a trance fell upon me. A vault seemed to open in the zenith of the far blue sky, a shaft which ran up for ever. I, in spirit, rose as if on billows that also ran up the shaft for ever; and the billows seemed to pursue the throne of God; but that also ran before us and fled away continually. The flight and the pursuit seemed to go on for ever and ever. Frost gathering frost, some Sarsar wind of death, seemed to repel me; some mighty relation between God and death dimly struggled to evolve itself from the dreadful antagonism between them: shadowy meanings even yet continue to exercise and torment, in dreams, the deciphering oracle within me. I slept for how long I cannot say; slowly I recovered my selfpossession: and when I woke, found myself standing, as before, close to my sister's bed."

Why add a word of ours, to jar on the silence which may be felt, in which dies away that Suspirium de Profundis, that heavy-laden, deepdrawn sigh?

THE RESULTS OF THE SESSION.

Now that the session has drawn to a prosperous conclusion, and the ministry have proved their vitality and strength by living down the attacks of the Whig party, we may be allowed, as friends of conservative government, to draw our readers' attention to the results of the session, not merely as a proof of the earnestness of purpose our ministers have displayed during a period of unexampled difficulty and doubt, but also as a pledge that those efforts will not be relaxed when parliament meets again. In spite of the many arduous questions that demanded solution-in spite of the financial difficulties that beset them-in spite, too, of the condition into which this country had drifted with regard to foreign powers, the Tory government have more than carried out the promises they made on assuming the reins of power; and it must not be forgotten that much more would have been effected, had not the government been hampered by a pertinacious opposition, which seemed to ignore all principles of fair play, so long as it entertained any expectation of serving its own interests. It is true that the severe defeat it experienced, when the country was at length aroused to a consciousness of the part it was called upon to play, has rendered the Whig party more moderate, and has permitted the government to display its willingness to carry out the measures it had proposed; but, unfortunately, this check came too late, and much valuable time was wasted, and many important questions were tided over till next session, before the Whigs could be induced to believe that their sun had set for a while-as we trust, most heartily, for ever.

In spite of all opposition, however, it must be allowed that the present government have achieved wonders, regard being had to the cumbrous machinery of the House, and the short time allowed. Indubitably, the most serious legacy left to the Tories by their predecessors was the embroglio with France, which Palmerstonian caprice would so easily have fanned into a flame. No sooner did Lord Malmesbury undertake the management of the delicate matter than the clouds were dispersed, and all parties felt that they had been led to the verge of a quarrel, because a prime minister could not approach the subject without diplomatic ambiguities, which too often lead to a sad result. But we will not give the entire credit of this happy solution to Lord Malmesbury; on the contrary, we believe great thanks are due to the emperor for the manly and straightforward way in which he explained the point at issue, and paved the way for a settlement equally satisfactory to both nations. The best proof of the harmony existing between the English and French, will be found in our Queen's visit to Cherbourg, to inaugurate a fortress which would, in the good old times, have been regarded as a standing menace to England, but which we prefer to look upon as a further pledge of an alliance which should enlist our sympathies, and which certainly advances the interests of civilisation. The Emperor Napoleon is perfectly aware that the majority of the English nation regard the completion of Cherbourg as the homage he pays to the dynastic ideas of his great uncle, and the fact that our Queen will appear at the opening of the docks is a sufficient guarantee that not the shadow of an insult can be offered to us as a nation. England and France have become so intimately connected, their interests are woven so inextricably with each other, that they cannot afford to quarrel, and even if an angry word should now and then be exchanged, it should be regarded as a renewal of amity, as a species of fillip given to the warm feelings that exist be

tween us.

In other foreign matters the Conservative government have been equally successful: the quarrel with Naples had been dragging its slow length along for months, without any satisfactory result being obtained; and the non-appearance of the fleet had long been a standing jest with the lazzaroni. But a few words uttered with seriousness of purpose, and whose effect was not spoiled by any tame jest in the House, immediately produced the required result. The imprisoned Englishmen were set free, and a just compensation awarded them, which they had ceased to hope from Lord Clarendon, for even their imprisonment appeared to that nobleman a matter of indifference. Seeing, then, that a Tory could effect in a few short weeks what a Whig minister could not accomplish in many months, we shall begin to fancy that the Civis Britannicus is no longer a myth on the Continent, and that Lord Malmesbury's name will become a tower of strength—a magic word by which to soothe down the irritated feelings of the insufficiently bribed gendarme. As we have not yet been able to gain the love of our continental neighbours, the next best thing will be to command their respect; and such energetic conduct as was displayed in the Naples business is the best possible way of bringing about such a consummation.

But though so resolute when they know themselves in the right, the new ministry are equally ready to offer the amende honorable when they

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believe themselves in the wrong. So soon as the feelings of the Americans were roused by a mode of treatment which, by the way, a Whig government inaugurated, the Tories made no attempt to throw the blame on the right shoulders, or seek shelter in any evasion. They manfully acknowledged the error, and did all in their power to amend it. If we compare the settlement of this dispute with America with the one that took place during the Crimean war, we must confess that the advantage, as far as dignity, at any rate, is concerned, is very far in favour of the present administration.

Turning to home affairs, there is much matter for congratulation in the successful results of the measures that have been passed. But the Chancellor of the Exchequer displayed such a refreshing amount of political honesty in keeping to the engagements of his predecessors as to the extinction of the income-tax, that any measure he proposed would be accepted with confidence. Indeed, we ought to have been thankful that the Whigs went out so opportunely, for it was evidently their design to saddle us with the income-tax in perpetuity. Mr. Disraeli, under the impression that public promises should be fulfilled at any sacrifice, disregarded any amount of personal inconveniences, and managed, by the dint of his genius, to produce a budget satisfactory to all parties. It is very easy for publicists to draw attention to the fact that all these measures were proposed long before; that the equalisation of the spirit dues was suggested by Mr. So-and-So; the cheque stamp by another enlightened genius: but, after all, it is the old story of Columbus and the egg over again. It is generally allowed that these taxes are the most equitable that could be devised, as they do not press unfairly on any class of the community; then, why did not the Whigs, who so loudly prate about the interests of the people being their sole study, apply them long before, instead of leaving the credit to a Tory ministry?

Disappointed by the success Mr. Disraeli achieved by his budget, which would have entailed the downfal of any less able man, the Whigs sought a fresh method for undermining the government. For a long time they could not realise the fact that they were really on the wrong side of the House. They had so long sought to prove to the people that the only possible government must be looked for among those who still had a rag of the old Reform Bill to flutter as their banner, that they had ended by believing the myth themselves. In their view, the proper way of governing this country was by shuffling the names of appointments in a hat, and only allowing those favoured few to draw who belonged to the governing classes par excellence. It was very satisfactory for themselves and their families, but whether the best interests of the country were served by such an arrangement must be left a moot point. However, the country did not collapse, because they were out of power: matters went on as well as, perhaps better than, usual, and they must make a desperate attempt to recover their position. What could furnish them with a better opportunity than the Indian Bill-a debatable land, in which no two could honestly agree, and where men, otherwise of the same political principles, held diametrically opposed views? But there was, at any rate, one great outlet-one great culprit to be hanged. All joined in objurgation of the East India Company, and straightway they would be abolished. It was absurd to suggest that they had laid the foundation of

our great Indian Empire at a period when our government had not the resources at its command to carry out so grand a scheme, and because a company of traders did all in their power to protect their own interests, they must be abolished when they appealed to their friends for assistance during a crisis which they strenuously denied having produced. But it was of no avail: the Company were sentenced without appeal, and every theoriser was at liberty to pronounce his own crude notions as to the way in which our magnificent Indian Empire must be governed. When the fever had attained its maximum, and popular indignation had begun to vent its strength, it was suddenly discovered that we had all been under a delusion: the Indian Company was very slightly, if at all, to blame. But the vox populi had spoken out (no matter what selfish appeals had been made to enlist it on the side of wrong), and the Company must be abolished. Lord Palmerston undertook the affair de bon cœur, perhaps thinking that there might be some nice plucking of patronage, and introduced a measure full of his usual fallacies, disguised under the cloak of patriotism. With the change of ministry, Lord Ellenborough introduced his bill, and was unsuccessful, although it was a great step in advance of the Whig oligarchy. The reason why he did not succeed lay on the surface: no one man could introduce a measure satisfactory to all when so many great interests were at stake, and this Mr. Disraeli at once saw. He determined that the question should be national, and not linked to any one party; and thus he succeeded in reconciling all voices, and utterly foiling the plan of the Whigs which was so cleverly intended to overthrow him. We are glad to find that tardy justice has been done to the East India Company, and possibly, had the debate continued another year, matters would have been left on the old footing. At any rate, no bill relating to India can be final, and many modifications will have to be introduced into the present measure before it can be brought into good working order. We certainly have to congratulate Lord Stanley for having introduced into the bill a large amount of common sense, and the practical knowledge of the subject he has so unexpectedly displayed is one of the most gratifying features connected with the affair.

Such, then, are the more prominent results of the session; with matters affecting feelings rather than policy we care not to deal. The Jews have one grievance less, the church-rate abolitionists one more; but these are questions not within the scope of our present résumé. One word of thanks in passing, however, for the promised abolition of the property qualification-a step decidedly in the right direction. The law worked badly, for it could be, and was, deliberately evaded, and increased stringency would have produced no better result; and, as the qualification is not required in Scotland, and we find no bad results in consequence, we do not see why England should not be allowed the same exemption. Many men of ability will now have an opportunity of entering the House; and, after all, money is a very poor criterion of the legislature.

Had not the ministry been so hampered and pressed for time, we presume some measure would have been introduced for placing our army in a more satisfactory position. India is a constant drain, and yet recruiting has fallen off in an alarming ratio. The only chance of keeping up our army on the war footing will be by embodying the militia, for many

a man who is loth to bind himself to serve, gradually acquires a taste for military life by passing a portion of the year at drill. But even that will not prove sufficient; we must hold out other advantages to our soldiers, in increased pay and comforts. It is deplorable to see that the same routine is rampant in India as was so objurgated in the Crimea; and we hear the same sad stories about men being struck with apoplectic strokes, owing to the fearful pressure of the cumbrous leathern stock. We are fully aware that General Peel has not had time yet to arrange his multifarious duties-he has many lamentable faults to correct at home; but it should be borne in mind that, with the present increase of intelligence, stories of apparent neglect spread with great rapidity among the people, and an increased unwillingness to serve is the result. We trust, then, that so soon as General Peel can possibly spare the time, he will inquire into the stories again prevalent about the condition of our army, and if he find them true, will devote his best attention to a rectification of simple matters which yet have a considerable effect upon the popularity of our military service. The most important point, however, in our opinion, is the instantaneous embodiment of the militia, as the only certain method on which we can depend for always having a valuable body of men at our disposal.

We are very glad to find that Sir John Pakington has so speedily collected the first instalment of his promised Channel fleet. Her Majesty will proceed to Cherbourg accompanied by a splendid squadron of vessels, which will not suffer in comparison with the finest ships the French can display. As a naval nation par excellence, we ought always to have a fleet in our waters to represent us; not alone to guard us against any insult, but to serve as an admirable training-school for our sailors. If a Channel fleet had existed at the opening of the Russian war, we should, probably, have had a very different tale to tell about our achievements in the Baltic. We are at a loss to understand, however, why Sir Charles Freemantle should have been selected for the command. On reference to the Navy List, we find that he is a veteran of forty-five years' service, and surely he has by this time earned the comforts of home; but perhaps it is a safe rule to select sexagenarians for such important posts, for young blood is impetuous, and such a man as Keppel might lead us into diffi

culties.

Judging from the past, however, we have reason to feel every confidence in the present ministry, for we have learned that they intend to keep their promises. By no possibility could a better set of men be selected to fulfil the arduous duties they have undertaken, and we trust they will enjoy a long lease of power. Everything at present appears to promise it to them, and, if they go on as they have begun, no combination will be strong enough to overthrow them. Honesty of purpose is so perfectly novel in our administration, as of late years constituted, that we feel sure the people at large will appreciate the straightforward and manly course the present government are pursuing. They have promised a measure of progressive reform, and they will keep their word; and if it does not satisfy the demands of our most uncompromising Liberals, still it will be better than the promises of the late government, which were being continually deferred and cleverly evaded. Mutual