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The archbishop of Rheims, accompanied by six of his suffragans, and several deputies from the metropolitan chapters, went to Melun to present the petition, or rather the summary of the council, to the young king. "Seigneur," said the bishops, "we entreat you to lend the Church of Rheims succour against the burghers by whom it is oppressed." The king replied that he would deliberate upon it maturely with the people of his council, and fixed a month's delay previous to making his intentions known. But the plaintiffs, little satisfied with this reply, again met in council at Compiégne, and determined to make more pressing demands upon the king.

It was at St. Denis that the second interview took place between Louis IX. and the bishops of the Rhemish provinces, but as he gave them no definite reply, the council was transferred to Senlis, and came to the following resotion:

Seeing that the lord king has not obeyed the monitions that have been given him, we place an interdict upon all the lands of his domain situated in the province, always permitting, however, that baptism and extreme unction may be administered there. We will excommunicate, moreover, all those bishops who shall not observe the present interdict, and who shall fail to have it published and observed in their dioceses.

King Louis IX. became of age at this time. Being now master of his own conduct, he showed himself much more disposed to yield to the demands of the bishops. To be on good terms with them and make peace, he did not wait for further messages or visits on their part, but repaired in person into the province which was about to be placed under interdict. A good understanding was soon re-established between the royal power and the ecclesiastical power, but the consequences of this reconciliation were anything but favourable to the liberty of the burghers of Rheims; in fact, all that they had gained during their insurrection was taken away from them. All the losses caused by the civil war fell back upon them, and even their ancient municipal rights were restricted, in many cases, by the decisions of the king's court, which determined the greater part of

the questions in dispute in favour of the archbishop. According to a royal ordinance intimated to the aldermen of Rheims, Henri de Braine was to be put in peaceful possession of his castle of Porte-Mars, the breaches made in the walls and outworks were to be repaired at the expense of the town, the burghers were to rebuild the houses demolished or injured during the outbreak-to raze the fortifications built by them, and to replace with expiatory ceremonies the tombstones and sepulchral monuments. In future, whosoever should have a suit at law must go to the episcopal palace to plead. No one was any longer allowed to use any part of the town revenues, nor to assess new taxes, without the archbishop's consent; and lastly, the burghers were condemned to pay him, as reparation for his losses of all kinds, an indemnity of 10,000 livres of Paris. Saint Louis, so renowned in his time for his equity, did not put the privileges of the corporation and those of the lords, of the ecclesiastical lords especially, on the same level. He acted therefore according to his conscience in placing the burghers of Rheims in a worse condition than that in which they were when the discord arose between the court and the bishops. But while he was mild towards individuals he was at the same time inflexible in his ideas of order and law. He wished the archbishop to promise in writing that he would treat the burghers mercifully, and not to interpret too rigorously the terms of the ordinance which re-established him in his rights. This writing was sent to the aldermen, to be preserved as an authentic document in the archives of the corporation. But the archbishop showed, almost immediately, the little importance he placed on a promise which was vague and without guarantee.

Two royal commissioners came to Rheims to terminate by arbitration all the little disputes arising from the past quarrel. At the outset of their discussions, the archbishop began by contesting the right of the burghers to use a seal, which amounted to denying them all right of jurisdiction, and all legal existence as a political association. The commissioners feared that the disturbances might be renewed if

such questions were agitated, and to elude the difficulty, they inserted these words in the sentence:-"As to the seal we will make known our opinions concerning it, by causing the parties to be summoned as soon as it shall be lawful so to do." They took their departure a few days afterwards, and the affair remained undecided, that is to say, abandoned, as formerly, to the chances of popular energy and seignorial ambition.

The excommunication directed against the inhabitants of Rheims was removed with the usual ceremonies. The churchyards were re-opened, and the bodies of those persons were carried there who had died under the anathema, and who before dying had shown some signs of repentance and submission to the church. A general absolution was pronounced upon those who, strangers to the town, had aided the burghers in their revolt, worked for their wages, traded with them, or discharged engagements and debts to their advantage. The town which had been so disturbed for three years now enjoyed a calm, but it was that sad calm which follows a revolution whose issue has been unfortunate. The merchants and artisans worked to repair the losses which they had sustained from political distractions, interruptions to commerce, and in addition the sentence which doomed them to defray all the costs of the civil

war.

The indemnity of 10,000 livres was to be paid at several times. The first had been discharged without opposition or violence; but in the year 1238, the archbishop Henri, being pressed for money, wished to have the rest of the sum all at one time. He placed a tax upon the whole town equivalent to it, and established commissioners, whose business it was to make the subdivision and levying of it in every quarter. These officers conducted themselves with excessive rigour, refusing to grant any delay, and threatening imprisonment. Their severity occasioned a disturbance among the inferior class of burghers, who maltreated the collectors and the bailiff of the archbishop. The latter summoned the aldermen, by an imperious message, to do him immediate justice;

but, the municipal magistrates having replied to this summons with remonstrances, the archbishop assembled, at the castle of the Porte-Mars, all the knights who held fiefs of the county of Rheims, and entered the town at their head. After having placed guards at each gate, he caused the aldermen and a certain number of the chief burghers to be arrested in their houses. They were brought before the episcopal court, which, without information or inquiry, imprisoned some, banished others, and totally demolished the houses of the most obstinate. A sentence of excommunication was again launched against the town, and all the churches were placed under interdict.

The burghers of Rheims remained under the pressure of this sentence, and the disorder consequent upon it, until the death of Henri de Braine in 1240. There then ensued a vacancy of the see for four years, during which the corporation, as usual on such occasions, again took the lead, and obtained from the metropolitan chapter not only the revocation of the ecclesiastical sentences, but a remission of the indemnities that remained to be paid.

In this perpetual struggle between two rival powers in the heart of the same town, the slightest concession, made, willingly or by force, by one of them, always produced a reaction in favour of the other. Thus it constantly occurred that the great questions solved in one way could be deliberated anew and solved in a contrary way.

Recovering by degrees its ancient energy, the corporation of Rheims was not long before it excited the anxiety of the next archbishop. The principal source of this disquietude was the or ganization of companies of burgher militia, which the municipal magistrates were occupied in regulating. These companies, commanded by constables, kept guard night and day at the gates of the town and in the different quarters, practised frequently the use of arms, and sometimes came to blows, by a sort of military bravado, with the archbishop's soldiers, when the seignorial banner passed before that of the corporation.

Under the pretext of establishing the safety and tranquillity of the town in a more complete manner, the burghers put iron chains and barricades at the extremitics of every street, the real object of which was to prevent the garrison of the castle from distributing themselves over the city without permission from the magistrates.

These fresh attempts of the corporation to fortify themselves and prepare a complete restoration of their privileges, gave rise, in 1257, to a second intervention on the part of king Louis IX.

The episcopal see was then occupied by the same Thomas de Beaumetz of whom we have before made mention; a man less audacious than Henri de Braine, but as little favourable to the liberties of the burghers. Encouraged by the king's conduct in the great quarrel of 1235, he begged him to come to Rheims to hear his complaints against the corporation and to aid him. The king, yielding to the archbishop's prayers, went to Rheims, and, after having heard the appeals of both parties, he pronounced as arbiter a sentence analogous to the one he had given twenty-two years before.

The aldermen in vain represented that the town of Rheims was a corporate and statute town; that its burghers were associated together in companies and colleges; that on this account they had the right of raising armed men, of giving them captains, and of having the keys and the fortifications of the town in their own keeping.

The king referred them on all these points to the archbishop. The companies of militia were placed under the control of the latter; the keys of the gates were given up to him, and the destruction of the barricades was ordered.

The history of the corporation of Rheims during the latter half of the thirteenth century, and the greater part of the fourteenth, presents a repetition of the same disputes, but with scenes less varied, because the royal authority then intervened in a uniform manner, by appeals to parliament. This struggle of seignorial privileges against the liberties of the burghers, so energetic at first and full of vitality, thus appears to be transformed into a lawsuit between two parties, in which the

characters of plaintiff and defendant are filled, alternately, by the archbishop and the magistrates of the corporation. Litigants irreconcileable and always at issue, they carried into this new kind of warfare an animosity which recalled, under other forms, the hostilities of the armed hand.

The archbishop and the supporters of his power called their adversaries "vile people" (chétives gens); "nonentities" (gens de néant); and when the latter presented their petition, sealed with the seal of the corporation, "it is a false document," said the opposite party, "and of no value in law, for the aldermen of Rheims have no right to have a seal."

In the year 1362, the advocates of the metropolitan church came to the following conclusions

That the functions of the aldermen be abolished; that all jurisdiction, civil and criminal, be placed in the hands of the archbishop. That the king shall destroy the corporation, as an illicit association, dangerous and unauthorised by his predecessors; that the archbishop conduct the government of the town according to his pleasure, arm or disarm the inhabitants, raise companies, and nominate constables and commanders, without being accountable to any one.

The decree of parliament took no notice either of these demands, or of the complaints of the corporation respecting the tyrannies and usurpations of the clergy, but it sanctioned the pretensions of a third power, which then arose to the detriment of the other two. "The protection and government of the town," said the decree, "belong to the king, and to such as he shall please to nominate."

In the fourteenth century the corporation of Rheims ceases entirely to play any political part. It was not abolished, but extinguished, without violence, and without show, under the pressure of the royal authority. The office of alderman existed until a recent period, like the ghost of the ancient republican life, and the sign of a liberty which no longer existed. During the centuries of peaceful subordination which succeeded the tumults of the Middle Ages, oblivion arose, like a barrier, between the burghers of modern times and those ancient burghers, so proud, and so independent. The

only great local event for an inhabitant of Rheims was the ceremony of the royal coronation, and children played at the foot of the old castle of the archbishop without ever imagining that its ruined walls had been cursed by their forefathers.

Authorities,-Hist. de Beauvais, par Levasseur.-Annales de Noyon, and Hist. de Soissons, par Claude Dorneay.-Hist. d'Auxerre, par l'Abbé Leboeuf.-Marloti Hist. Metropol. Remensis.-Script. Rer. Galliæ et Francia-Anquetil, Hist. de Reims.

MEMORIAL OF SIR JAMES THORNHILL,

HISTORY PAINTER TO KING GEORGE I. AND II.

SIR JAMES THORNHILL, our great historical painter at the commencement of the last century, and whose works (now in a considerable degree destroyed by the effects of fire or decay,*) probably once covered a greater number of square yards than those of any other English painter that has ever lived and flourished-who was by his contemporary countrymen classed with Raffaelle, but is now more generally reduced to the level of Le Brun, if not unfairly to that of Verrio and Laguerre, has of course a memoir of some length in Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting; to which the last editor, Mr. Dallaway, attached some valuable comments in the way of criticism, but little in respect to his biography.† Indeed he disregarded some information that was ready to his hand in a memoir which will be found in the second edition of Hutchins's History of Dorsetshire.‡

In the Illustrated London News of the 3rd of February last appeared,

without note or comment, the remarkable document of which we annex a copy. It is addressed to William Clayton, esquire, one of the Lords of the Treasury, (and afterwards Lord Sundon,) and, though undated, appears to have been written shortly after the accession of George II.

Thornhill was of a very ancient family in Dorsetshire, and was able to boast of the public services of his ancestors both on the father's and the mother's side. They had been of the Republican party, and consequently were to be recommended to Whig patrons as the supporters of liberty and constitutional principles. He had also himself sat for some years in parliament, and had enjoyed various opportunities of supporting the government, but what he means by "many hundreds of good votes both in the cities of London and Westminster," it is not easy to determine, though probably he may allude to his support of parliamentary and other candidates.

He painted the staircase at Canons, the hall at Burlington house, and that at Sir Robert Clayton's house in the Old Jewry, all destroyed; and the hall and staircase at Wootton, Bucks, which was burnt. His largest and most public works now existing are the cupola of St. Paul's cathedral, recently restored by Mr. Parris; the hall of Greenwich Hospital; those of Blenheim and Moor Park, Herts; the wall paintings (not the altar-piece, as Walpole has it) of All Souls college chapel, Oxford; and the ceiling of Queen's college chapel, in the same university.

A very extraordinary error was committed in this book, in regard to Sir James Thornhill's portrait. An excellent line-engraving professing to represent Sir James Thornhill, was made by H. Robinson, "from an etching by Worlidge," but it was an etching of Worlidge's own portrait! This plate was "Published by John Major, Oct. 15, 1827." A portrait of Thornhill, by his son-in-law Hogarth, is among the pictures recently presented to the Taylor Museum at Oxford by Mr. Chambers

Hall.

The story is well known of Thornhill's life having been saved when on the scaffolding in the cupola of St. Paul's, by his attendant suddenly defacing what he had just painted, and thus arresting his retrograde motion. Dallaway, on the authority of Highmore, attributes this act to his pupil Robert Brown; but in the Obituary of our Magazine for October, 1767, will be found recorded the death of "Bentley French, near twenty years footman to Sir James Thorahill, who once saved his life in painting at St. Paul's." (Vol. xxxvii. p. 525.)

COPY OF MEMORANDUM OF SIR JAMES THORNHILL TO W. CLAYTON, ESQ. &c. Some Reasons why yr Petitioner Sr James Thornhill should not stand on the same footing with all the rest of his late Majesties Creditors.

Impr:-Because his ancestors, both of Father and Mother's side, have been sufferers in the cause of that Liberty the fruits of which are now so happily enjoyd by many the subjects of England. His Grandfather Coll: Thornhill suffer'd in the Parliament's service in ye West, during the late Civil Wars.

His Grandfather on the Mother's side, Coll: W. Sydenham, One of the Lds Commissioners for the Publick Treasury of England, one of his Highnesses Councill of State, and Govr of the Isle of Wight, &c.; had purchas'd Carisbrooke Castle, and several woods, &c. belonging, for £700, which on the Restauration were taken from him, but his Person pardon'd; as never intending to hurt ye Person of the King, but to oppose the Tyranny in his Administration. His Grandfather's brother, Col: Sydenham, Govt of Weymouth, was there slain in ye services of the Parliament and country.

Another Brother, Majr Sydenham, also killed before Sterling Castle in the same

cause.

2ndly, Your Petitioner has served faithfully for the town of Weymouth,* where lie was born, for several years, without any the least expence to ye Crown, and has spent a great deal of Time and Money also, during all that while, in serving the interest of ye Crown, by many hundreds of good Votes

both in the Citys of London and Westminster.

He may very truly insist on it, that the small debt of £1100 which he now prays, will no ways ballance his lost time and expences aforesaid.

3rdly, As he succeeded Sig' Verriot as History Painter to his Late Majesty, by Warrant under his Grace ye Duke of Newcastle, and a fresh Warrant to serve his present Majesty by the Queen's particular Order; entitled to the same advantages as his Predecessors had, wch, was £200 pr an: being ye same as ye King's Face Painter enjoys, &c.

Yet instead of ever receiving one shilling: Has been as it were disgrac'd, and supplanted in his Royall Master's favour and Business too, by the overbearing power of the Late Vice-Chamberlain Coke, and the present Earle of Burling-n, by obtaining Signs Manual privately to the great detriment of your Petitioner, not only in the King's business, but in all other business both publick and private.

4thly, Towards ye latter part of ye Late Good King's reign, yr Petitioner, finding ye debt increasing faster than discharg'd, was advised by his Friends to endeavour to get in the Debt, wch was then £1500, by surrendring his Patent, for fear of accident by Demise; which he accordingly endeavoured to do: But the good nature, and he dares say the intended Friendship, of Sr Rob: Walpole would not permitt, promising he should be made easy, &c. &c. that he would take care: However the thing which he fear'd has falln upon him : and unless he is payd in such a manner as he * Mr. Dallaway (Anecd. of Painting, 1827, iv. 31) contradicts Walpole's statement that Thornhill sat in Parliament for Weymouth, stating that it was Melcombe Regis, and not Weymouth, that he represented in Parliament in 1719 (5th George I.)" So far as the place goes, we find from Hutchins that, strictly speaking, it was so; but Thornhill's own statement above is to be explained by the circumstance that it was customary to class together the four members elected for the boroughs of Weymouth and Melcombe Regis. Thornhill sat during two Parliaments, the second of George I. (1722-1727) and the first of George II. (17271734). Therefore, Dallaway's date, it will be perceived, is quite wrong. He died on the 4th May, 1734.

†The memoir in Hutchins's Dorsetshire (edit. 1803, ii. 93) states that Thornhill was appointed History Painter to the King in March, 1719-20, in the room of Thomas Highmore, esquire, deceased, citing as authority Political State, vol. xix. p. 348; but the fact was that Highmore was not History Painter, but Serjeant Painter. He is wholly unnoticed in the Anecdotes of Painting, excepting that Walpole commences his memoir of Joseph Highmore thus:-" Joseph Highmore, nephew of Serjeant Highmore, was bred a lawyer," from which the fair conclusion would be that he was speaking not of a Serjeant Painter, but of a Serjeant at Law. In a full memoir of Joseph Highmore which will be found (with a portrait) in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1780,-the notice in Walpole being very summary, his uncle is styled "Serjeant Painter to King William." It is further remarkable that the Anecdotes of Painting do not notice Verrio as having the place of History Painter. He died in 1707.

We believe that Charles Jervase succeeded to this office on the death of Sir Godfrey Kneller in 1726.

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