place, as he had done in the year 1790. This condescension, rendered very hazardous by the revolutionary delirium which prevailed at the moment, was greatly applauded; acclamations of Vive le Roi! Vive la Reine! were almost unanimous, and accompanied their Majesties from the Military School to the Palace.

Notwithstanding the deceitful calm which was exhibited at the grand national spectacle just described, the Jacobins were now projecting an insurrection of a more decisive nature than any which had yet taken place. For this purpose, the Federates from the departments, who, by a decree of the Assembly, were to have proceeded immediately after the confederatiou to the camp at Soissons, were detained in Paris on various pretexts. Upon these the factious placed their chief reliance, as, from the mutual rivalry which prevailed between the different clubs, they had fallen into general contempt in the capital, even with those who were indifferent to the fate of the Royal Family. The forfeiture of the crowu was the general aim of all the Jacobins, but they were much divided as to their ulterior views; some wishing to make the Dauphin King, and to govern by a regency; others were desirous of appointing the Duke of Orleans regent, that they might govern in his name; whilst the republicans cautiously concealed their views, intending to take advantage of any change, by preserving their influence over the rabble. They hoped to drive the King to some

desperate measure, which would give a legal pretext for his deposition. For this purpose, mobs were prepared to menace the lives of the Royal Family, frequent addresses presented, demanding his deposition, as Brissot and other members of the Assembly insinuated that he had virtually retracted his oath, by not conforming to certain formula prescribed by the constitution. But all their projects on this head were rendered fruitless, by the King's circumspection, and firm resolution not to abandon his post; and the Jacobins, consequently, became daily more and more exasperated.*

* An instance of revolutionary fanaticism occurred at this period, which would appear scarcely credible, had it not come from the pen of Madame Roland, the friend and confidant of the leaders of the party.

"In the month of July, 1792, the conduct and dispositions of the court announcing hostile views, every one reasoned on the means of obstructing them, or rendering them abortive. Chabot said on this subject, with that ardour that springs from frenzy, and not from strength, that it were to be wished, that the court would make an attempt upon the lives of some patriotic deputies, which would infallibly cause an insurrection of the people, and was the only way of rousing them, and producing a salutary crisis. He grew warm on his theme, and expatiated upon it for a considerable time. Grangeneuve was one of a small company before whom this speech was made. He listened to it without saying a word at the time, but seized the first moment that offered to speak to Chabot privately. I was struck,' said be, with your arguments; they are excellent; but the court is too cunuing ever to furnish us with such an expedient. It must be done for them. Find men to strike the blow, and I devote myself as the vietin.'

The situation of the King was become truly deplorable. He was a cypher with an immense weight of responsibility attached to him. Equal hazard seemed to threaten either his quitting the capital, or remaining in it. No fewer than twentysix ministers had moved across the stage of pub

What! you will !'-' Certainly, what is there so difficult in it? My life is not very useful, my person is of no importance, and I shall be too happy in sacrificing it to my country. Ah, my 'friend,' cried Chabot, with an air of inspiration, you shall not be the only one; I will share this glory with you.'-' Do as you will,' replied Grangeneuve, though one might be enough, two may do still better: but there will be no glory in this, for no⚫ body must know any thing of it: let us then think of the means.' Chabot undertook to manage the affair. A few days after he informed Grangeneuve, that he had engaged people, and that every thing was ready. Well then,' said Grangeneuve, let us fix the time. We will go to the committee to-morrow night; I will ⚫ leave it at half after ten o'clock, and shall pass through such a street, which is little frequented, where you must post your people; but take care they know what they are about; their business is to kill us at once, and not to maim us.' They settled the hour, concerted the preparations, and Grangeneuve went home and made his will, and after arranging some family affairs, kept his appointment. He was first at the place; the hour arrived, but no Chabot came. Grangeneuve concluded that he had relinquished his share of the assassination; but still supposing matters prepared for his own, he set out, and took the way agreed upon, walking. slowly, but not a creature did he meet. Lest he should have mistaken the hour, he went a second time over the ground, and was 'at last obliged to go home safe and sound, bút extremely out of -humour at the trouble he had taken for nothing.-Madame Røland's Appeal to Impartial Posterity.

lic affairs in the short space of six months, and it was with difficulty any person could be prevailed upon to accept an office of so much peril. The Federates who remained in Paris, presented frequent petitions for the deposition or suspension of the King, the discharge of the staff-officers, and the impeachment of M. de la Fayette. The continual reiteration of those demands, prepared the public mind for subsequent events.

The King, having given his sanction to the decree for declaring the country in danger, it was proclaimed at Paris on the 22d of July with great ceremony. At six o'clock in the morning, three discharges of the alarm-guns, of the park of artillery of the pont-neuf, and of the arsenal, took place, which were repeated every hour until seven o'clock at night. At ten, twelve municipal officers, in their scarfs, several notables, and four serjeants, proceeded from the Hotel de Ville to the Place de Grève, where they found waiting six legions of the national guards, with their colours, drums, and music, and detachments of horse, with several pieces of cannon. These troops were divided into two bodies, each headed by six municipal officers on horseback, and a proportionate number of notables, preceded by a national guard on horseback, carrying a large tri-coloured banner, on which appeared the words-Citizens! the country is in danger. On either side of the banner rode four sergeants on horseback, each carrying

an ensign, loaded with civic crowns, on which were the words-Liberty-Equality-Constitu tion-Country; and below these Publicity--Responsibility. In this order the two trains set out from the Place de Grève in different directions, to proclaim in all the quarters of the town the act for declaring the country in danger. It was read by a magistrate, after a signal for silence given by a roll of the drums. During the march, the bands played only grand and solemn movements suitable to the occasion.

In the principal streets and squares large amphitheatres were erected, terminating with tents, which were decorated with tri-coloured streamers, wreaths of oak-leaves, and civic crowns. On each side of the tents a red cap was placed on the top of a pike. At these tents were enrolled all the citizens desirous of marching to the frontiers.No objection was made to age, size, or occupation; and every evening, for nearly a week, the municipal officer was seen exhausted with heat and fatigue, going from the amphitheatre, with his register under his arm, to the Hotel de Ville, attended by his enfans de la patrie (children of the country), a grotesque phalanx that marched the next day for the frontiers, or the camp at Soissons. "Let us go for glory," was their song all the way. In this manner about 15,000 recruits were obtained in the capital. These citizen-soldiers presented themselves every day previous to their departure at the bar of the Assembly, to de

VOL. II.

E F

CHAP. XI.