duty. To Mr. Livingston-Roads and Canals by the Federal Government. To Major Cartwright on the English Constitution. Arrival of La Fayette in the United States-Visits Mr. Jefferson. National Joy. Donation suggested by Mr. Jefferson.

CHAPTER XXI.

1824-1826.

452

The University goes into operation. Mr. Jefferson's exertions for its success. Fails in procuring farther grants from the Legislature. His maxims of practical Morality. Receives a second visit from La Fayette. His system of Laws for the University. Disorders-and Proceedings thereon. The power of the Federal Government to make Roads and Canals. Letter to Mr. Madison. Proposed Protest of the Virginia Legislature. Letters to Mr. Giles concerning President Adams. Letter to Mr. Madison. His pecuniary difficulties. His heavy expenses. Applies to the Legislature for leave to dispose of his Property by a Lottery. His hopes of the University. Letter to the President. Liberal principles of National Law. Plan of his Lottery. Public Sympathy. Other schemes of relief attempted. Letters to the Mayor of Washington. His last illness and death. Honours to his

memory.

CHAPTER XXII.

1826.

474

Failure of the Lottery. Liberality of South Carolina and Louisiana.

Mr. Jefferson's Will-Property and Debts. His Descendants. His Character.

Appendix.

498

509

GWS'LIBRARY

THE

SAN FRANCIS

LIFE OF THOMAS JEFFERSON.

CHAPTER I.

Difficulties of the New Administration. Mr. Jefferson's friendly advances towards Mr. Adams. The recommendations of his new office. His arrival in Philadelphia. Interview with the President. Letter to Mr. Madison on Public Affairs. State of Parties-their foreign predilections. Mr. Adams's Cabinet. Letter to Colonel Burr. The Government sends envoys to France. Mr. Jefferson consults Mr. Madison concerning the letter to Mazzei. Appointed President of the American Philosophical Society.

1797.

We have seen that Mr. Jefferson, in noticing the recent election to his friends, always spoke of its result as a matter of congratulation rather than of regret, and that the chief reason which he assigned for his satisfaction was the very embarrassed state of our foreign affairs. Nor did he overrate their difficulties. From the moment of Mr. Jay's mission to England, symptoms of jealousy and mistrust were manifested by the French government, that the treaty was dictated by a wish to form a closer connexion with England, and that its consequences would be injurious to the interests of France and her influence VOL. II.-2

in the United States. When that treaty moreover was concluded, and it was seen that the fears previously entertained were confirmed, and that a large part-apparently a majority of the nation-disapproved it, the French government no longer concealed its dissatisfaction.

Whilst one of the grounds of complaint against the administration was, their want of attachment to France, and their leaning towards England, it was natural for the French government to adopt the same feelings, if from no other motive, for the sake of preserving and increasing their influence in the United States. And although Mr. Genet's intemperate course was not justified, yet the spirit which dictated it was transmitted to his successors, and they endeavoured, by more discreet means, to keep alive all that popular favour towards France and her cause, and hatred of her great rival and enemy, which the people of this country had recently evinced. There had therefore never been a cessation of remonstrance and complaint against some of the measures of the administration; nor any occasion lost of paying court to the people; nor of inflaming their prejudice against Great Britain. It was no doubt intended as a stroke of policy to counteract this discontent, that Mr. Monroe, who was known to be warmly attached to the French revolution, the confidential friend of Jefferson, and one of the opponents of the administration, had received his appointment.

The measure had its intended effect; but the benefit was merely temporary. The directors reiterated the complaints which their friends here had made against the British treaty, and pressed them with so much earnestness that we see not how the United States could take any course which must not either openly violate the treaty, or exasperate the French government, and alienate their friends in the United States.

The blame of this state of things was thrown by many on the unwise councils of the government, which were attributed to its predilection for Great Britain over France. But they seem rather due to the conflict between those nations; for when we consider the bitter animosity which was felt by both nations, it was scarcely practicable how the government could have steer

ed clear of a war with either England or France, and the question only to be considered was, which would have most affected the honour, and most impeded the prosperity of the country. Had the government not firmly resisted and diligently counteracted the popular sentiment towards France, or had not many of the causes of collision been removed by the British treaty, a war with England would have been inevitable; but after that treaty, no course of mere neutrality would probably have restored the confidence and friendly feelings of France. In short, encouraged by the known partiality of the American people, nothing would have satisfied France apparently, but war against Great Britain: and her unfriendly sentiments were yet further excited by the recall of Mr. Monroe, whose only offence was supposed to be his too kind feelings towards France...

Mr. Jefferson showed his aversion to ceremony and parade, by requesting one of the senators from Virginia to dispense with the practice, which had been observed on a former occasion, of sending a special deputation to notify his election. He thinks that it would always be better to make the communication by the post, as the least troublesome, the quickest, and the surest.

He notices on the same day to Mr. Madison, the doubts which had been expressed as to the validity of the Vermont election, and expresses a wish that Mr. Madison would declare that on every occasion, foreseen or not foreseen by him, he was in favour of the choice of the people, substantially expressed, and anxious to prevent "the phenomenon of a pseudo-president at so early a day." In a subsequent letter to the same gentleman he reciprocates the feelings of friendship which he learns that Mr. Adams has expressed towards him; but adds, "as to participating in the administration, if by that he meant the Executive Cabinet, both duty and inclination will shut the door to me. I cannot have a wish to see the scenes of 1793 revived as to myself, and to descend daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer martyrdom in every conflict."

Of our foreign policy he thus speaks. "I sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with France. War with them, and consequent alliance with Great Britain, will completely com

pass the object of the Executive council, from the commencement of the war between France and England; taken up by some of them from that moment; by others, more latterly. I still however hope it will be avoided. I do not believe Mr. Adams wishes war with France; nor do I believe he will truckle to England as servilely as has been done. If he assumes this front at once, and shows that he means to attend to self-respect and national dignity with both nations, perhaps the depredations of both on our commerce may be amicably arrested. I think we should have began first with those who first began with us, and by an example on them, acquire a right to redemand the respect from which the other party has departed."

The letter to Mr. Adams of December 28th, so expressive of the friendly sentiments which once existed between them, and of a wish to renew their former intercourse, Mr. Madison, exercising the discretion vested in him, thought proper not to deliver. Entirely approving of Mr. Madison's course, who could better appreciate all the circumstances for and against it, he speaks in the same spirit of good feeling and esteem of Mr. Adams as before. He hopes that "he shall be made a part of no ceremony whatever;" says that he should "escape into the city as covertly as possible," and "if Governor Mifflin should show any symptoms of ceremony," he prays Mr. Madison will contrive to parry them.

In the latter part of February, he prepared to leave home for Philadelphia, to be installed into his new office of vice-president and president of the Senate. After having remained in retirement just three years, with a seeming disgust of the cares and contentions of public life, we find him prepared to enter again on the same busy theatre, but to perform a far more easy part. But this circumstance furnishes no more evidence of his former insincerity, than the impatience so generally manifested by the sailor to go to sea again, shows that he had not been serious when on his last escape from shipwreck he had determined never more to trust himself to the hazards of winds and waves. Besides, it must be recollected that the office which he now accepted was one which made the transition from his pre