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my political course. Logan, the Indian chief, mournfully exclaimed, "Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed at me as I passed, and said, Logan is the friend of the white men!" I have been pointed at for years as the friend of the South. For maintaining what I deemed her constitutional rights, I have suffered no small portion of obloquy, and sacrificed the favor of a large portion of the community in which I was born, and which, from my youth up, I have endeavored to to serve laboriously, dutifully, and affectionately. I was willing, while this ill-starred movement was confined to the States of the extreme South, and they abstained from further aggression, that they should go in peace.

This course I thought would retain the Border States, and bring back the seceders in a year or two, wearied and disgusted with their burdensome and perilous experiment. Such I understood to have been, in substance, the programme of the Administration. But the South has willed it otherwise. She has struck a parricidal blow at the heart of the Union; and to sustain her in this unnatural and unrighteous war is what my conscience forbids. Neither will I remain silent, and see this majestic. framework of Government, the noblest political fabric ever reared by human wisdom, prostrated in the dust to gratify the disappointed ambition of a few aspiring men (for that Mr. Vice-President Stephens bravely told his fellow-citizens last November was the cause of "a great part of our troubles"), and this under cover of a sophistical interpretation of the Constitution, at war alike with common sense, with contemporary history, and the traditions of the Government; unsupported by a single authority among the framers of the Constitution, and emphatically denounced by Mr. Madison, their leader and chief.

What then remains, fellow-citizens, but that we should, without unchristian bitterness toward our misguided countrymen, meet calmly and resolutely the demands of the crisis; that we should perform the duty of good citizens with resolution and steadiness; that we should cordially support the Government of the country in the difficult position in which it is placed; that we should cheer and encourage the brave men who have obeyed its call, by a generous care of their families; and, to sum it all in one word, come weal or woe, that we should stand by the flag of the Union!

IF

THE UNION.

[The Causes and Conduct of the Civil War. 1861.-From the Same.]

F the South has been willing, without the shadow of a practical grievance, living under a government which the Vice-President of the Confederacy pronounced last November the most beneficent ever known, of which she has herself almost monopolized the administration, and of which the judicial and legislative departments were still within her control, to plunge into the gulf of this unholy war, when, in the name of Heaven, and on what terms, shall we ever live in peace? Do you say we can make treaties with each other as independent States? But are treaties more binding than constitutions? ratifications more sacred than oaths of allegiance? The grievance on which the South most dwells is that the North, in pursuance of a policy inaugurated by Mr. Jefferson in 1784, and sanctioned by every Southern statesman till the last ten years, claims the right, on the part of the general government, to exclude slavery from the free territory of the United States. Does she think that, when the Southern Confederacy is established, the free States will consent to the extension of slavery (even if it were physically or economically possible, which it is not) north of the Missouri line, which she recklessly repealed in 1854? No, not if the venerable Chief Justice should live to the age of Methuselah, and pronounce a Dred Scott decision every year of his life. She now complains that the rendition of slaves is obstructed; does she think if secession prospers, that a single fugitive will ever again be surrendered from the North? No, not if she pursued with all the hosts of Pharaoh, unless she waited on the banks of the Potomac till it ran dry. The South is irritated by the indiscriminate denunciations of the Northern platform and the Northern pulpit; will they be silenced when, for the sake of forcing slavery into the Territories, she has broken up the Union, and brought upon the country the horrors of an internecine war? In a word, will not every provocation which has led to the present struggle continue to exist in tenfold force, if it should end in separation, and when, to all the existing causes of dissension which have brought on the present conflict, shall be added the indignant memory of recent sufferings, the hereditary hates to be engendered, hostile tariffs, wholesale smuggling, ruinous confiscations of property on both sides, a general exodus of slaves, the perpetual recurrence of attempts like that of John Brown, and all the thousand causes of war which will unavoidably arise, in the absence of the mediating umpirage of the Federal Constitution?

Look at other countries; interrogate history; listen to the wisdom of The journalists and statesmen and novelists of England are

ages.

VOL. V.-22

assuring us (no doubt from the most disinterested motives), that the rupture of the Union would be the best thing in the world for us. Did England think that the disintegrating of great states was beneficial when India rebelled, when Ireland rebelled, when Scotland rebelled? Why does she not try the experiment of bringing back the Octarchy ? Spain once contained within her limits seven or eight independent kingdoms; would it promote the welfare of the country, if Castile and Aragon and Granada and Leon and the Asturias should again set up for themselves? The civilized world has clapped its hands at the union of the different governments of Italy, under one national head. Do the sages of Montgomery and Richmond really think it would be better if they should tell Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi to go about their business, and let Tuscany and the Two Sicilies, and Sardinia and Lombardy, in the favorite Southern formula, "retain each its sovereignty, freedom, and independence?" Germany broke up in the Middle Ages into three hundred and odd sovereign principalities. Do the wise men of the South, in the execrable jargon of secession, recommend to the mediortized princes to plant themselves on their reserved rights, and reassert their independence? Is it not enough to move the pity of men and angels, that, in the middle of an enlightened century, in a land so favored as ours by Providence, with everything that can promote the welfare of a people, men should be found not merely so insensible to their own blessings, and so recreant to the memory of our fathers, the sages of the constitutional, the heroes of the Revolutionary age, but so deaf to the teachings of all history, so blind to the examples of all countries, so regardless to the experience of all ages, as to believe that the happiness and peace of a family of kindred States can be promoted by the rupture of the Union that binds them together, and resolving them into rival, jealous, and hostile powers?

Deadly grave as this delusion is, its absurdity borders on the ludicrous. There is, I am aware, no end to human credulity. There are men who believe in the philosopher's stone, in perpetual motion, in squaring the circle, and in marble-top centre-tables dancing hornpipes. A flyingmachine was exhibited by subscription a few years ago on Boston ComCaptain Symmes, one of the pioneers of settlement in Ohio, and his numerous followers, were persuaded that the earth is as hollow as a gourd, and that you can sail into the interior as easily as a Down-East coaster can sail into Holmes's Hole. Brigham Young believes that you can found a prosperous community, in this country and in the nineteenth century, on the basis of the most abominable corruptions of the old despotisms of Asia; but that any man, not a maniac nor a lunatic, can seriously believe that the paths of prosperity in a country like ours can lead through the bloody gates of treason and rebellion, that anarchy and chaos

can conduce to the growth of a family of republics, and an internecine secular war among ourselves give us strength and well-being at home or influence abroad, is almost enough to make one despair of virtue, freedom, and reason, and take refuge in blind chance, brute force, and stolid scepticism.

I

THE REBELLION.

[Address at Gettysburg. 1863.-From the Same.]

CALL the war which the Confederates are waging against the Union a "rebellion," because it is one, and in grave matters it is best to call things by their right names. I speak of it as a crime, because the Constitution of the United States so regards it, and puts "rebellion" on a par with "invasion." The constitution and law, not only of England, but of every civilized country, regard them in the same light; or rather they consider the rebel in arms as far worse than the alien enemy. To levy war against the United States is the constitutional definition of treason, and that crime is by every civilized government regarded as the highest which citizen or subject can commit. Not content with the sanctions of human justice, of all the crimes against the law of the land it is singled out for the denunciations of religion. The litanies in every church in Christendom whose ritual embraces that office, as far as I am aware, from the metropolitan cathedrals of Europe to the humblest missionary chapel in the islands of the sea, concur with the Church of England in imploring the Sovereign of the universe, by the most awful adjurations which the heart of man can conceive or his tongue utter, to deliver us from "sedition, privy conspiracy, and rebellion." And reason good; for while a rebellion against tyranny-a rebellion designed, after prostrating arbitrary power, to establish free government on the basis of justice and truth-is an enterprise on which good men and angels may look with complacency, an unprovoked rebellion of ambitious men against a beneficent government, for the purpose-the avowed purpose -of establishing, extending, and perpetuating any form of injustice and wrong, is an imitation on earth of that first foul revolt of "the Infernal Serpent," against which the Supreme Majesty of heaven sent forth the armed myriads of his angels, and clothed the right arm of his Son with the three-bolted thunders of omnipotence.

EV

Caroline Howard Gilman.

BORN in Boston, Mass., 1794. DIED in Washington, D. C.,

THE COLONEL'S CLOTHES.

[Recollections of a Southern Matron. 1867.]

1888.

VERY man has some peculiar taste or preference, and, I think, though papa dressed with great elegance, his was a decided love of his old clothes; his garments, like his friends, became dearer to him from their wear and tear in his service, and they were deposited successively in his dressing-room, though mamma thought them quite unfit for him. He averred that he required his old hunting-suits for accidents; his summer jackets and vests, though faded, were the coolest in the world; his worm-eaten but warın roque'aure was admirable for riding about the fields, etc. In vain mamma represented the economy of cutting up some for the boys, and giving others to the servants; he would not consent, nor part with articles in which he said he felt at home. Often did mamma remonstrate against the dressing-room's looking like a haberdasher's shop; often did she take down a coat, hold it up to the light, and show him perforations that would have honored New Orleans or Waterloo; often, while Chloe was flogging the pantaloons, which ungallantly kicked in return, did she declare that it was a sin and a shame for her master to have such things in the house; still the anticherubic shapes accumulated on the nails and hooks, and were even considered as of sufficient importance to be preserved from the fire at the burning of Roseland.

Our little circle about this time was animated by a visit from a peddler. As soon as he was perceived crossing the lawn with a large basket on his arm, and a bundle slung across a stick on his shoulder, a stir commenced in the house. Mamma assumed an air of importance and responsi bility; I felt a pleasurable excitement; Chloe's and Flora's eyes twinkled with expectation; while, from different quarters, the house servants entered, standing with eyes and mouth silently open, as the peddler, after depositing his basket and deliberately untying his bundle, offered his goods to our inspection. He was a stout man, with a dark complexion, pitted with the small-pox, and spoke in a foreign accent. I confess that I yielded myself to the pleasure of purchasing some gewgaws, which I afterward gave to Flora, while mamma looked at the glass and plated ware.

“Ver sheap,” said the peddler, following her eye, and taking up a pair of glass pitchers; "only two dollar-sheap as dirt. If te lady hash any old closhes, it is petter as money."

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