things induced him to imagine that he should dictate a peace in Moscow, shoid cripple the Russian power for half a century, and then return victorious. When the magnanimous constancy of the Emperor of Russia, the glorious deeds of his warriors, and the unshaken fidelity of his people, put an end to this dream, it was too late to repent it with impunity. The whole French army was scattered and destroyed: in less than four months we have seen the theatre of war transferred from the Dnieper and the Dwina, to the Oder and the Elbe.

This rapid and extraordinary change of fortune was the forerunner of an important revolution in all the political relations of Europe. The confederacy of Russia, Great Britain, and Sweden, presented a point of union to all neighbouring states. Prussia, whom report had long declared determined to risk all, to prefer even the danger of immediate political destruction to the lingering sufferings of continued oppression, seized the favourable moment, and threw herself into the arms of the allies. Many greater and smaller princes of Germany were ready to do the same. Every where the ardent desires of the people anticipated the regular proceedings of their governments. Their impatience to live in independence, and under their own laws, the sentiment of wounded national honour, and the hatred of a foreign domînion, broke out in bright flames on all sides.

His Majesty the Emperor, too intelligent not to consider this change of affairs as the natural and necessary consequence of a previous violent political convulsion,

and too just to view it in anger, was solely bent upon securing, by deep-digested and well-combined measures, the real and permanent interest of the European commonwealth. Already, in the beginning of December, considerable steps had been taken, on the part of the Austrian cabinet, in order to dispose the Emperor Napoleon to quiet and peaceable policy, on grounds which equally interested the world and his own welfare. These steps were from time to time renewed and enforced. Hopes had been entertained that the impression of last year's campaign,the recollection of the fruitless sacrifice of an immense army, the severe measures of every description that would be necessary to replace that loss, the decided disinclination of France, and of all those nations connected with her, to a war, which, without any prospect of future indemnification, exhausted and ruined her internal strength,

that, lastly, even a calm reflection on the doubtful issue of this new and highly imminent crisis, would move the Emperor to listen to the representations of Austria. The tone of these representations was carefully adapted to the circumstances of the times, serious as the greatness of the object, moderate as the desire of a favourable issue, and as the existing friendly relations required.

That overtures flowing from so pure a motive should be decidedly rejected, could not certainly be foreseen: but the manner in which they were received, and still more the striking contrast between the sentiments entertained by Austria and the whole conduct of the Emperor Napoleon, to the period of

these

these unsuccessful endeavours for peace, soon destroyed the best hopes that were entertained. Instead of endeavouring by a moderate' language to improve at least our view of the future, and to lessen the general despondency, it was on every occasion solemnly declared, before the highest authorities in France, that the Emperor would hear of no proposition for peace that should violate the inte grity of the French empire, in the French sense of the word, or that should niake any pretension to the arbitrarily incorporated provinces.

At the same time, eventual conditions, with which this self-created boundary did not even appear to have any relation, were spoken of; at one time menacing indignation, at another with bitter contempt; as if it had not been possible to declare in terms sufficiently distinct, the resolution of the Emperor Napoleon, not to make to the repose of the world even one single nominal sucrifice.

These hostile demonstrations were attended with this particular mortification to Austria, that they placed even the invitations to peace which this cabinet, with the knowledge and apparent consent of France, made to other courts, in a false and highly disadvantageous light. The sovereigns united against France, instead of any answer to Austria's propositions for negociation, and her offers of mediation, laid before her the public declarations of the French emperor. And when, in the month of March, his Majesty sent a minister to London, to invite England to share in a negociation for peace, the British ministry replied, "that they could not believe Austria

still entertained any hopes of peace, when the Emperor Napoleon had in the mean time expressed seatiments which could only tend to the perpetuation of war;" a declation which was the more painful to his Majesty, the more it was just and well founded.

Austria, however, did not, upen this account, cease to impress in more forcible and distinct terms, the necessity of peace, upon the mind of the Emperor of France; directed in all her measures by this principle, that as all order and balance of power in Europe had been destroyed by the boundless superiority of France, no real peace was to be expected, unless that soperiority were diminished. His Majesty in the mean time adopted every necessary measure to strengtben and concentrate his armies; sensible that Austria must be prepared for war, if her mediation were not to be entirely unavailing His Imperial Majesty had moreover been long since persuaded, that the probability of an imme diate share in the war would no longer be excluded from his calculations. The actual state of things could not be continued; of this the Emperor was convinced; this conviction was the main spring of his actions, and was naturally strengthened by the failure of any attempt to procure a peace. The result was apparent. By one means or the other, either by negociation or by force of arms, a new state of things must be effected.

The Emperor Napoleon was not only aware of the Austrian preparations for war, but even acknowledged them as necessary, and justified them in more than one instance. He had sufficient reason

to

to believe that bis Majesty the Emperor, ate so decisive a period for the fate of the whole world, would lay aside all personal and momentary feelings, would alone consult the lasting welfare of Austria, and of the countries by which she is surrounded, and would resolve nothing but what this great motive should impose as a duty upon him. The Austrian cabinet had never expressed itself in terms that would warrant any other construction; and yet the French did not only acknowledge that the Austrian mediation could only be an armed mediation, but declared, upon more than one occasion, that Austria, underexisting circumstances, ought no longer to contine herself to act a secondary part, but should appear in force upon the stage, and decide as a great and independent power. Whatever the French government could either hope or fear from Austria, this acknowledgement was of itself a previous justification of the whole intended and hitherto adopted measures of his Imperial Majesty.

Thus far were circumstances developed, when the Emperor Napoleon left Paris, in order to make head against the progress of the allied armies. Even their enemies have done homage to the valour of the Russian and Prussian troops in the sanguinary actions of the month of May. That, however, the result of this first period of the campaign was not more favourable to them, was owing partly to the great numerical superiority of the French force, and to the universally acknowledged military talents of their leader, and partly to the

political combinations by which the allied sovereigns were guided in all their undertakings. They acted under the just supposition, that a cause like the one in which they were engaged could not possibly be confined to themselves; that sooner or later, whether successful or unfortunate, every state which still preserved a shadow of independence must join their confederacy, every independent army must act with them. They, therefore, did not allow further scope to the bravery of their troops than the moment required, and preserved a considerable part of their strength for a period, when, with more extended means, they might look to the attainment of greater objects. For the same cause, and with a view to the developement of events, they consented to the armistice.

In the mean time the retreat of the allies had for the moment given an appearance to the war, which daily became more interesting to the Emperor, from the impossibility, if it should proceed, of his remaining an inactive spectator of it. The fate of the Prussian monarchy was a point which peculiarly attracted the attention of his Majesty, feeling, as the Emperor did, that the restoration of the Prussian monarchy was the first step towards that of the whole political system of Europe; and he viewed the danger in which she now stood as equally affecting himself. Already, in the month of April, had the Emperor Napoleon suggested to the Austrian cabinet, that he considered the dissolution of the Prussian monarchy as a na

tural

tural consequence of her defection from France, and of the continuation of the war; and that it now only depended upon Austria to add the most important and most flourishing of her provinces to its own state; a suggestion which shewed distinctly enough, that no means could properly be neglected to save that power. If this great object could not be obtained by a just peace, it was necessary to support Russia and Prussia by a powerful co-operation. From this natural view of things, upon which even France could no longer deceive herself, his Majesty continued his preparations with unwearied activity. He quitted, in the early part of July, his residence, and proceeded to the vicinity of the scene of action, in order the more effectually to labour at the negociation for peace, which still continued to be the object of his most ardent desires; and partly to be able the more effectually to conduct the preparations for war, if no other choice should remain for Austria.

A short time before, the Emperor Napoleon had declared, "that he had proposed a Congress, to be held at Prague, where plenipotentiaries from France, the United States of North America, Denmark, the King of Spain, and the other Allied Princes on the one hand; and on the other, Plenipotentiaries of England, Russia, Prussia, the Spanish Insurgents, aud the other Allies of this hostile mass, should meet, and lay the groundwork of a durable peace." To whom this proposition was addressed, in what manner, in what diplomatic form, through whose

organ it could have been done, was perfectly unknown to the Austrian cabinet, which only was made acquainted with the circumstance through the medium of the public prints. How, too, such a project could be brought to bearhow, from the combination of such dissimilar elements, without any generally acknowledged principle, without any previously regulated plan, a negociation for peace was to be set on foot, was so little to be comprehended, that it was very allowable to consider the whole proposition rather as a play of the imagination, than as a serious invitation to the adoption of a great political measure.

Perfectly acquainted with all the obstacles to a general peace, Austria had long considered whether this distant and difficult object was not rather to be obtained progressively; and in this opinion, had expressed herself both to France, and to Russia and Prussia, upon the subject of a continental peace. Not that the Austrian court had misconceived, even for a moment, the necessity and importance of an universal peace among all the great powers of Europe, and without which there was no hope of either safety or happiness, or had ima gined that the continent could exist, if the separation of England were not invariably considered as a most deadly evil! The negociation which Austria proposed, after the alarming declaration of France had nearly destroyed all hopes of England uniting her endeavours in the attempt to procure a general peace, was an essential part of the great approaching negociation, for a general and effective Congress for

peace;

peace it was intended as preparatory to this, to draw up the preliminary articles of the future treaty, to pave the way by a long continental armistice to a more extended and durable negociation. Had the principle upon which Austria advanced been other than this, neither Russia nor Prussia, bound by the strongest ties to England, would certainly ever have listened to the proposals of the Austrian cabinet.

After the Russian and Prussian courts, animated by a confidence in his Majesty highly flattering to the Emperor, had already declared their concurrence in the proposed Congress under the mediation of Austria, it became necessary to obtain the formal assent of the Emperor Napoleon, and to determine upon what principles the negociations for peace were to be carried on. For this purpose his Imperial Majesty resolved, towards the end of the month of June, to send his Minister for Foreign Affairs to Dresden. The result of the mission was, a Convention concluded upon the 30th of June, accepting the mediation of his Imperial Ma. jesty in the negociation of a gene ral, and if that could not be effected, of a preliminary continental peace. The city of Prague was fixed upon for the meeting of the Congress, and the 5th of July for the day of its opening. In order to obtain a sufficient time for the negociation, it was determined by the same convention that the Eperor Napoleon should not give notice of the rupture of the armis *tice, which was to terminate on the 20th of July, at that time ex1sting between himself and Russia, till the 10th of August; and his

Majesty the Emperor took upon himself to obtain a similar declaration from the Russian and Prussian courts.

The points which had been determined in Dresden, were hereupon imparted to the two courts. Although the continuation of the armistice was attended with many objections, and with much serious inconvenience to them, the desire of giving to his Imperial Majesty another proof of their confidence, and at the same time to satisfy the world that they would not reject any prospect of peace, however confined it might be, that they would not refuse any attempt which might prepare the way to it, overcame every consideration. The only alteration made in the Convention of the 30th of June was, that the term of the opening the Congress, since the final regula-. tions could not so soon be determined, should be deferred until the 12th of July.

In the mean time his Majesty, who would not as yet abandon all hopes of completely terminating, by a general peace, the sufferings of mankind, and the convulsions of the political world, had also resolved upon a new attempt with the British government. The Emperor Napoleon not only received the proposal with apparent approbation, but even voluntarily of fered to expedite the business by allowing the persons to be dispatched for that purpose to England, a passage through France. When it was to be carried into effect, unexpected difficulties arose, the passports were delayed from time to time, under trifling pretexts, and at length entirely refused. This proceeding afforded a

fresh