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N the meeting of parliament after the recess, February 2, the tables were immediately crowded with petitions relative to the two great subjects which were expected to receive their final discussion in this session; the renewal of the East India charter, and the claims of the Roman Catholics. With respect to the first, it was merely a contest between different local or particular interests; and whilst all those places and bodies which were at present excluded from the benefits of East Indian commerce joined in requesting that the monopoly might be abolished, and the trade VOL. LV.

thrown open, all those, on the other hand, who were enjoying profits, either directly or remotely, from the existing state of things, equally concurred in opposing the principle of alteration. Nothing could be more simple than the motives, or more uniformn than the strain of argument, on each side.

The Roman Catholic question, though agitated upon the whole with great uniformity of language and reasoning, was more varied in its objects and principles. To the obvious interests of the individuals of that communion in freeing themselves from degrading re[B]

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strictions, and obtaining access to power and emolument, was added a zeal in supporting the fundamental maxims of equality of rights among all citizens, and of the entire separation of religious from political concerns, which operated upon many, independently of personal motives. On the other hand, to the natural reluctance of the members of an establishment to resign any of their prerogatives, was subjoined that feeling of suspicion and aversion towards the Roman Catholic religion, which will perhaps never be eradicated from the British public; and which has on various occasions united in opposition to it those who have differed the most widely from one another. As a part of parliamentary history, it will suffice at present to have noticed the period at which petitioning on these important national topics, especially the latter, became general. The results will form the matter of future chapters.

On the 3d of February, Lord Castlereagh presented to the House of Commons the papers relative to the discussions with America on the subject of the French decrees, and the orders of council, together with a declaration from the Prince Regent relative to the causes and origin of the war with America. This state paper, which was of considerable length, began with a retrospective view of the successive steps taken by the ruler of France in his project of raining the power of Great Britain, as the great obstacle to his ambitious designs. It proceeded to review the meastires taken by the American government with respect to both belligerents, and to shew how partial

its conduct had been in favour of France. The causes which pro duced the revocation of the orders in council were next noticed, with the precipitate declaration of war on the part of the United States, and their refusal to consent to a cessation of hostilities. The preliminary condition proposed by them for an armistice, was then adverted to, namely, the abandonment by Great Britain of her right of search for the purpose of taking British seamen from American merchant vessels; and reasons were given why it could not be acquiesced in. In fine, after an exposition of the circumstances which preceded and have followed the declaration of war by the United States, his Royal Highness explicitly declares, that he can never acknowledge any blockade to be illegal, which has been duly notified, and is supported by an adequate force, merely upon the ground of its extent, or because the ports or coasts blockaded are not at the same time invested by land: that he can never admit, that neutral trade with Great Britain can be constituted a public crime, the commission of which cau expose the ships of any power to be denationalized: that he can never admit that Great Britain can be debarred of just and necessary retaliation, through the fear of eventually affecting the interest of a neutral: that he can never admit that in the exercise of the undoubted and hitherto undisputed right of searching neutral merchant vessels in time of war, the impressment of British seamen, when found therein, can be deemed any violation of a neutral flag; nor that taking such seamen from

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on board such vessels, can be considered as a hostile measure, or a justifiable cause of war. Some observations are then made on other topics brought forward by the American government as causes for its declaration of hostilities, and on its conduct in displaying at such a period its subserviency to the ambitious designs of the ruler of France: and his Royal Highness declares his resolution of persisting in the pub ic principles of policy which Great Britain has so long and invariably maintained, in repelling injustice, and supporting the general rights of nations. (See State Papers.)

On February 18th, Lord Castlereagh rose in the House of Commons, and made a speech on the subject of the negociations with America which had been laid be fore the House, concerning which, he said that the chief point towards which their attention would be directed, was, whether it had been in the power of ministers, by any exertion, to have prevented the much-to-be-deprecated war in which we were now engaged. After expressing the great concern he himself felt at this occurrence, he said that the question before the House was simply this, whether in this war justice was or was not on the side of Great Britain? and the proposition he meant to ground on their decision in the affirmative, was, that an address should be presented to the Prince Regent, calling upon him to direct a vigorous prosecution of the war, with assurance of support from parliament. He then entered on a kind of commentary upon the Regent's declaration above-mentioned, in which all the arguments

were repeated concerning the justice of the measures on the part of Great Britain that led to the hos tile termination, which had been so often advanced during the negociations. One circumstance of fact produced by his lordship may deserve to be recorded. The Americans in their complaints against this country had assumed that Great Britain had impressed 15 or 20,000 of their citizens. But upon particular enquiry by the admiralty, it had appeared that out of 145,000 seamen employed in the British service in January 1811, the whole number claiming to be American subjects was 3,500; and as it had been found that of the individuals advancing such claim, only about one in four could make it good upon examination, the real number would be reduced to 16 or 1700. He asked then, if the House could believe that for such a consideration as 1700 sailors his Majesty's government would irritate the feelings of a neutral nation, or violate public justice. After stating the particulars of the negociations preceding the declaration of war, with a view of shewing that the British ministry had not been wanting in temper and due forbearance, and also that they had not been defi. cient in proper precautions against a possible hostile termination; his lordship concluded with moving, "that an humble address be presented to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, to acquaint his Royal Highness that we have taken into our consideration the papers laid before us by his Royal Highness's command, relative to the late discussions with the government of the United States of Ame. [B 2]

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rica: that whilst we deeply regret the failure of the endeavours of his Royal Highness to preserve the relations of peace and amity between this country and the United States, we entirely approve of the resistance which has been opposed by his Royal Highness to the unjustifiable pretensions of the American government, being satisfied that those pretensions could not be admitted without surrendering some of the most ancient, undoubted, and important rights of the British empire; that, impressed as we are with these sentiments, and fully convinced of the justice of the war in which his Majesty has been compelled to engage, his Royal Highness may rely on our most zealous and cordial support in every measure which may be necessary for prosecuting the war with vigour, and for bringing it to a safe and honourable termination."

Mr. Ponsonly, after premising that he conceived the House was bound at present to support the crown in the prosecution of the war, observed, that from the papers laid before the House, three particular stages of negotiation were apparent. The first stage was, the overture made by Mr. Russell to the noble lord for an armistice, with the understanding, that during its continuance there was to be a negotiation between this country and America on the subject of impressment, and that, while it was pending, the right of impress. ment should be waived. This over. ture he allowed, could not be admitted. The second was, the proposition that though no formal recognition of a suspension of the disputed right should take place,

yet a secret understanding of that kind should be preserved between the two countries, till the matter in controversy was decided. This, also, he should have concurred with the noble lord in rejecting. The third stage presented a third overture, which, as he understood it, was made by Mr. Monroe to Sir John Warren, namely, that the question of impressment being the principal subject of dispute, an agreement on which might put an end to the war, the American government was willing to negotiate upon it flagrante bello, whilst this country was continuing to exercise its accustomed controul. Against this proposal he thought there could be no objection; for though, in the Prince Regent's declaration, as a reason against such a negociation, it was observed that it would be commenced on the basis of receiving a legislative provision from a foreign state, in the place of a right which Great Britain had long been accustomed to exercise; yet it did not appear to him that this right was abandoned merely by entering into a neg ciation on the subject. The right hon, gentleman enlarged upon this point,. and asked, was the war to be eternal? but if a treaty was ever to be made, it must be by means of negociation upon this very subject. He then touched upon the naval successes of America since the commencement of the war, which he could not but think showed some want of foresight and preparation in the ministers.

Mr. Baring said that he did not believe that the noble lord's assertion was correct, that the American declaration of war had any connection with the state of France

or