was nothing fpecifically charged against them in the amendment, he muft certainly oppofe it on principle; much lefs could it be fuppofed that he would agree to the implied cenfure upon himfelf, which was included in the general requifition for new counfels and new counsellors.

One of the able advocates on the fame fide obferved, that the addrefs was totally unexceptionable in all its parts; that it went no farther in its tendency than to carry up to the throne, thofe exprefions of duty and affection, which had ever been the fanguage of parliament, in their anfwer to the fpeech of the fovereign. There was not a word in the addrefs, which could imply that parliament pledged itfelf to the fupport of any particular meafure, or to oppofe or protect any particular defcription of men. Along with the ufual terms of respect it contained nothing more, than a general profeffion of union, on the common principle of felfdefence.

On the other hand, the amendment, according to the explanations which had been given in its fupport, implied a requifition, not only that his majesty would difmifs all his counfellors, whether guilty or guiltlefs, old or new; but that he would go ftill farther, and adopt an entirely new fyltem of government. On this he obferved, that the conftitution had placed the executive power of this government in the lovereign, the official functions of which are performed by perfons of his appointment, each of whom is perfonally refponfible for

It was ab

his conduct in office. folutely neceffary, he faid, for preferving the due equilibrium prefcribed by the conftitution, that the prince fhould have free liberty to appoint thofe perfons to the various executive offices, who appeared to him the most proper to fill them; otherwife the government would degenerate into an ariftocracy, and affume the worft vices, without the virtues, of a republic. If the prince were debarred of fuch a choice, either the nobles would acquire a moft dangerous afcendancy over the crown, or the commons, encircling the throne, like a fpider's web, with a miniftry of their own choofing, would throw every thing into anarchy and confufion, and reduce us to the wort and most despicable state of go

vernment.

The

Neither the courfe of reafoning, the arguments, or the aftertions of the minifter, were fufficient to afford any fatisfaction to the other fide. They obferved, that with his ufual ingenuity, he had converted the heaviest charges against his conduct, into the means of actual defence. criminal neglect and fatal decline of the navy under his adminiftration, illuitrated and proved by its acknowledged inferiority, and late indelible difgrace, afforded a charge of fo alarming and capital a nature, that it feemed to lay him under an indifpenfible neceflity of hewing, either, that it had not declined, or that the grants afforded by parliament were not adequate to its fupport. But without the fmallet trouble of that fort, the minifter applies that

very inferiority, which conftitutes his moft deadly crime, to the juftification of its fhameful coniequence, the fcandalous flight of the British fleet; and tells us with the greateft unconcern, that it would have been madness not to

run away.

The noble lord, they faid, was not lefs ingenious in the exculpation of other parts of his conduct. Adminiftration were entirely guiltlefs of all thofe ruinous confequences, which can only be generated, by a long conjunction of evil government and political folly. The common union and revolt of thirteen colonies, who never agreed in any thing else, with the lofs of America, he accounts for in one fhort fentence, by charging it to the rebellious difpofition of a people, who had ever been eminently distinguished for their loyalty. If we are abandoned, in a manner unexampled in hiftory, at this perilous moment, without the affiftance or hope of a fingle ally, the minifter comforts us with the affurance that it is no fault of his, but proceeds merely from the blind folly, or ftrange ingratitude of other powers. The lofs of our WeftÎndia islands, is by no means to be charged to the indolence or neglect of miniftry, but to the activity and impudence of D'Ef taing, who unexpectedly took them from us. And if Ireland was flipping out of our hands, by a repetition of the fame meafures and conduct which loft America, ftill our immaculate minillers were totally free from blame; for it was eafily fhewn by this new logic, that the Irish themselves were the caufes of

their own grievances and difarbances. Such, they faid, was the mode of reafoning, with which ninifters and their advocates, in the prefent day, dared to infult the understanding of parliament.

But they demand proofs of their incapacity and mifconduct. Could any proofs upon earth exceed or equal, a bare recital of their acts, and of the confequences which they produced? Is not the unexampled ruin, which, within a few years, their government has brought upon a country, fo great, fo glorious, and fo flourishing as this was, at the commencement of the prefent reign, the most conclufive poffible evidence, either, of the most wretched incapacity, or of wilful defign and treachery. But if every other proof of ignorance and incapacity, and of the necefity of demanding from the throne the removal of the present minifters and counfellors, were wanting, the noble lord himself had juft fupplied the ftrongest that could be given; and what, indeed, might well fuperfede all other evidence.

For, after the

long notice he had received from that houfe, the repeated warnings given him by the oppofition, and the very alarming motives, which every day grew more urgent, for his making a full and immediate enquiry into the affairs, late, and condition of Ireland, and duly weighing and confidering the means, for affording a proper and adequate relief to her wants, and providing a remedy for her diforders, he had now candidly, but inadvertently confefed, that he was equally igno

rant

rant of the wants, the diforder, and the cure. Could the moft inveterate enemy, faid they, have urged a better or ftronger reafon for the difmiffion of a minifter, than was included in that confeffion? Could any other evidence, be fo unexceptionable, or eltablish fo full a conviction? Or, after fuch a confeflion, was it poffible for that houfe to hefitate a moment in voting for the removal of fuch a minister?

After very long debates, in which an infinite quantity and variety of public matter was canvaffed, the question being put, at a late hour, the propofed amendment was rejected upon a divifion, by a majority of 233, to 134

The addrefs was moved for in the House of Lords by the Earl of Chesterfield, and feconded by Lord Grantham, late ambafador at the court of Madrid. The amendment was moved for, and fupported with great ability, by the Marquis of Rockingham; who, in a long fpeech, took a comprehenfive view of the general policy of the prefent reign, as well as of the particular circumfances and public tranfactions of the current year. The debate was fupported, on that fide, by the Dukes of Richmond and Grafton, the Earls of Shelburne, Coventry, and Effingham, with the Lords Camden, and Lyttelton. On the other fide, the two great law lords in office, the two new secretaries of ftate, the noble earl just placed at the head of the board of trade, and the marine minifter, bore the weight of the conteft.

It will be eafily feen from a

view of the antagonists, that no. advantage could be gained on either fide, from any defect of addrefs or ability on the oppofite. The debates were accordingly exceedingly interefting, embraced a variety of fubjects of the greateft importance, and were carried on, without languor, through a length of time very unusual in that houfe. Among other matters, the affairs of Ireland were much agitated; and much unqualified cenfure paft upon that criminal neglect, as it was called, to which their prefent dangerous fituation was attributed. But no part of our recent public conduct, underwent a more critical inveftigation, or was more feverely condemned, than what related to the difpofition and government of the army within the kingdom, and to the means of defence adopted, or fuppofed to be neglected, during the fummer. this ground, the charges were fo numerous, fo directly applied, and fupported with fuch ability and knowledge of the fubject, particularly by the Duke of Richmond, that the noble lord at the head of that department, notwithstanding his habitual coolness and command of temper, could not but feel fome embarrafment; and indeed it would have required fuch habits of argument, and fuch a portion of eloquence, as are not often acquired by, nor frequently the lot of military men, to have fuccefs fully refifted their effect, and entirely effaced the impreffion which they made.

On

cipally made in that houfe, the matters arising from thofe fubjess, were, of courfe, more particularly canvaffed there; and brought out much feverity and bitterness of reply. The lords in administration," befides an abfolute contradiction or denial of every thing advanced on that ground, expreffed the utmoft aftonishment, at the new and extraordinary language now held. They faid, that the propofed amendment, along with the comments and explanations by which it was attended, were replete with invective, and in reality a kind of libel upon government. That nothing could be more fallacious or invidious, than the contraft drawn, and the manner in which it was applied, between the degree of power, profperity, and pre-eminence, attributed to the nation at the time of his majefty's acceffion, and the misfortune or danger of the prefent period.

It must indeed, they faid, be acknowledged, however it might be regretted, that too many of the unfortunate facts ftated on the other fide, were too well eftablifhed to be controverted; but the deduction drawn from thefe premifes, that our public misfortunes were imputable to the prefent minifters, did not by any means follow. It would have been more ingenuous to have attributed thefe misfortunes, in a very great degree, to our internal divifions, and to that incautious and viclent language, which was too frequently held in parliament. But if they were imputable to the prefent adminiftration, they were equally fo to every other during the prefent reign. Dead

and living minifters, thofe now in oppofition, as well as thofe in office, mult all bear an equal thare of the blame. There was fcarcely a lord, on the fame fide with the noble marquis who moved the amendment, who had not been a member of one administra tion or other within that period. They had all a fhare in thofe public meafures, and in the fupport of that fyftem, as it is affected to be called, which they now fo bitterly inveigh againft. Even the forbidden ground of America, which is execrated as the fource of all our evils and calamities, has been indifferently trodden by every adminiftration fince the year 1763.

The prefent minifters had nei ther paffed or repealed the stamp act. They had not laid on thofe American duties, by which the feeds of the prefent rebellion were firft fowed. And, whatever the measures were, good or bad, wife or unwife, which they pursued, they only followed up the line, which had already been chalked out for them by their predeceffors. Why then, this fudden and violent cry, "of new counfels and new counsellors?" Or what was meant by new counfels? It was evident from the fpeech before them, that the object of the prefent fyftem of government, was to purfue the war with vigour and effect: would the noble marquis and his friends have that fyftem changed? Did they wish to have it carried on with the reverse of vigour? Would they recommend to have it followed with weakness, and conducted without fpirit? If not, what was the intent or purpose of new counfels ?

To this it was anfwered, that fuppofing the facts to be fairly fated, (which was not, however, in any degree the cafe) it was a new and extraordinary mode of defence, to bring the errors, vices, or crimes of former minifters, whether dead or living, in exculpation of the erroneous conduct, and destructive measures of the prefent. It must afford much fatisfaction to the public, and be a matter of great comfort in their prefent diftreffes, to be informed, that their minitters had only obitinately perfevered, in defpite of reafon, warning, and experience, in following up to the final extremity of ruin, to foreign and domestic war, and to the diffevering of the empire, certain measures of abfurdity and evil, which had been either dreamed of in theory, or attempted in practice, by fome of their predeceffors. It was, indeed, rather unlucky, that it was only in fuch inftances, that they ever attempted to profit by example. Upon other occafions, the maxims and conduct of their predeceflors went for nothing. When it fuited their own views, or the purpofes of the arbitrary fyftem under which they acted, they not only readily over-ftepped all antient and established rules of government, but they could with as much eafe, make long ftrides beyond the limits of the conftitution itself. But they wholly denied the univerfality of the charge on all the minifters of this reign. Some of them had no fhare in those measures, except in correcting the ill confequences of them; and none but the prefent

But the fpirit of that fyftem, they faid, which had fo long governed, and fo long difgraced our public counfels, was peculiarly operative in the bufinefs of appointments. When the measures, which eventually led to the lofs of America, were firft planned under that fatal fyftem, it had been thought proper to create a new office, under the title of fecretary of state for the colonies, in order to give a fuppofed de gree of weight, and the greater eclat, to the intended proceedings. And now, in the fulness of the fame fpirit, and according to the true wisdom of that fyftem, when we have no colonies to take care of, and that America no longer forms a part of the British empire, it is thought neceffary to create or renew another high and expenfive office, by adding, to

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the