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nation shall find itself in full possession of its liber- BOOK ty, and, from any motive whatever, shall consent to deprive themselves of the navigation of the Scheld, France will not oppose it. With respect to the charge of aggrandisement, France (they say) has renounced, and still renounces, all conquest; and its occupying the Netherlands will CONTINUE NO LONGER THAN THE WAR.-If these explanations appear insufficient, after having done every thing in our power to maintain peace, we will prepare for war. We shall combat with regret the English, whom we esteem; but we shall combat them without fear."

The reply of lord Grenville to this memorial (dated January 18) was couched in terms still more extraordinary and irritating than the first. His lordship declares" that he finds nothing satisfactory in the result of it. Instead of reparation and retractation, his lordship complains that nothing more is offered than an illusory negotiation;" -as if England had a right to expect that France should give up every point in dispute previous to any negotiation; or, as if the offer of evacuating the Netherlands at the termination of the war, and of leaving the Belgians to settle the question relative to the Scheld, together with the renunciation of all conquest, and the positive disavowal of the offensive meaning ascribed to the decree of November 19, did not form a proper and sufficient

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BOOK basis of negotiation. In fact, by these great concessions, every rational object of negotiation was accomplished before the negotiation itself had formally commenced. "Under this form of extraofficial communication, nevertheless, (lord Grenville goes on to say) that these explanations are not considered sufficient, and that ALL the MOTIVES which gave rise to the preparations STILL CONTINUE. If, however, under the same extra-official form, you have any farther explanations (says his lordship) to give, I shall willingly attend to them." -In a separate note (January 20) his lordship informs M. Chauvelin, that his majesty will not receive his new letters of credence from the French

republic. M. Chauvelin then requested a personal interview with his lordship, which was also refused.

At length this extraordinary business was brought to a crisis by a letter from lord Grenville, dated January 24, 1793, in which his lordship says, "I am charged to notify to you, sir, that the character with which you had been invested at this court, and the functions of which have been so long suspended, being now entirely terminated by the fatal death of his Most ChrisFrench am- tian majesty, you have no longer any public chaordered to racter here: and his majesty has thought fit to

bassador

depart the

kingdom. order that you should retire from this kingdom within the term of eight days." At this very time M. Maret, a confidential agent of M. Le

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Brun, was on his way to England with fresh dis- BOOK patches from the executive council, and, as there is good ground to believe, fresh concessions of the highest importance. But on his arrival in London, being informed of the compulsive dismission of M. Chauvelin, he did not think himself authorized to open his commission. He therefore merely announced his arrival to lord Grenville, but no advances were made to him on the part of the English court.*

Throughout the whole of this delicate and difficult negotiation it was most clear and manifest that the English minister, in respect both to talents and temper, was utterly unequal to the conduct of it.

• A political writer in the confidence of government, (Mr. Miles) who has attempted the arduous task of vindicating the proceedings of administration, in the whole of this momentous transaction, says: "The propositions which the executive council had authorized M. Maret to offer, and which would have been offered if M. Chauvelin had not left London, but which I am not at liberty to reveal, were so different from the imperious language which M. Le Brun had lately assumed, and the concessions were so much greater than it was reasonable to suppose would have been made after what had passed, that I doubted the sincerity of them at the time." Thus, while general overtures only of amicable negotiation were made, they were stigmatized as vague and illusory ;-when followed by specific offers of reparation and redress, they were branded as deceitful and insincere. The events which have resulted from this most impolitic and dangerous contest might well draw repentant tears from its authors;-but, alas! according to the Arabian proverb, "Repentance comes too late, when the city of Basra lies in ashes."

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BOOK The sagacious Walpole, placed half a century before him in nearly similar circumstances, far from urging the country by his violence, or inveigling it by his artifices, into a war, opposed the frantic eagerness of the nation to involve themselves in a calamity so dreadful by every possible means. Most unhappily for mankind, in all ages, the wisdom of a Walpole has been compelled to veil to the folly of a Grenville.

The death of the French monarch was in every view a disastrous and mournful event. It is well known that the executive council and a great majority of the conventional assembly were eagerly desirous to have averted this fatal catastrophe; but the violence of the Jacobin faction, and the savage rage of the populace, rendered it impossible, "We may (said M. Le Brun to a confidential friend) sacrifice ourselves without being able to save the life of the king." It was not that the moderate party entertained any doubt of the ve racity of the leading charges brought against the king, or, in other words, of his being deeply engaged in the conspiracy against that constitution which he had sworn to defend-for on this point there was never any difference of opinion in France; but they discerned innumerable circumstances of palliation which formed an irresistible claim to compassion and mercy. In England no one attempted to justify the deed; nor, says an animated writer of that time, " is it the season for

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