was submitted to the king in council. Dr. Franklin answered his lordship's report, and that in so very able a manner that the petition was granted. Hillsborough had declared that if the petition was granted he would resign his post as Secretary of State for America; and he did resign, it is said, for that reason only. Perhaps, as Dr. Franklin intimates, he thought himself of so much consequence that the petition would be set aside rather than that his resignation would be accepted. The event, if such were his expectations, disappointed him, and he was very much chagrined.

While these affairs were pending, Dr. Franklin waited upon Lord Hillsborough to thank him for his civility in Ireland, and was told that his lordship was not at home. He met the same repulse upon three more visits, the last being under circumstances

of peculiar incivility. It was on a levee day, when a number of carriages was at his lordship's door. Franklin's coachman drove up, alighted, and was opening the carriage, when the porter came out and surlily chid the coachman for opening the door before he had inquired whether his lordship was at home. Then, turning to Franklin, he said, “My lord is not at home." The truth was, that his own rash declaration, and Dr. Franklin's firmness, cost him his place, and he could not endure the doctor on that account. Yet, more than a year after his resignation, while Dr. Franklin was at Oxford, Lord Hillsborough called at his room, and, with the utmost apparent cordiality and friendship, said, “Dr. Franklin, I did not know till this minute that you were here, and I am come to make you my bow. I am glad to see you at Oxford, and that you look so well." The conversation continued for a short time, but there is no trace of any further intercourse. This little incident is, however, in perfect keeping with the character of a capricious man, whose anger had betrayed him into a weakness. His pride afterward induced him to endeavor to remove the impression which his caprice had left-that his opponent had mortified as well as defeated him.

In this connection we insert the following "Rules for Reducing a Great Empire to a Small One." This brochure has justly been regarded as among Doctor Franklin's happiest political writings, and it is the more apropos in this place, as it purported in its title to have been "presented to a late minister when he

entered upon his administration."
his administration." That "late min-
ister" was Hillsborough; and the "Rules," published
after his resignation, as presented at the commence-
ment of his term of office, are thereby sarcastically
made to appear those upon which his administration
of the affairs of the colony were conducted. The
paper was widely sought and read, being printed
twice in The Public Advertiser, in which it first ap-
peared, and widely copied, also, into other journals.
Dr. Franklin, in a letter to his son, remarks concern-
ing it, "Such papers may seem to have a tendency to
increase our divisions; but I intend a contrary effect,
and hope, by comprising in a little room, and setting
in a strong light, the grievances of the colonies, more
attention will be paid to them by our administration,
and that, when their unreasonableness is generally
seen, some of them will be removed, to the restora-
tion of harmony between us."

"An ancient sage valued himself upon this, that though he could not fiddle, he knew how to make a great city of a little one. The science that I, a modern simpleton, am about to communicate, is the very

reverse.

"I address myself to all ministers who have the management of extensive dominions, which from their very greatness have become troublesome to govern, because the multiplicity of their affairs leaves no time for fiddling.

"1. In the first place, gentlemen, you are to consider, that a great empire, like a great cake, is most

easily diminished at the edges.

Turn your attention, therefore, first to your remotest provinces, that, as you get rid of them, the next may follow in order.

"2. That the possibility of this separation may always exist, take special care the provinces are never incorporated with the mother country; that they do not enjoy the same common rights, the same privileges in commerce; and that they are governed by severer laws, all of your own enacting, without allowing them any share in the choice of the legislators. By carefully making and preserving such distinctions, you will (to keep my simile of the cake) act like a wise gingerbread-baker, who, to facilitate a division, cuts his dough half through in those places where, when baked, he would have it broken to pieces.

"3. Those remote provinces have perhaps been acquired, purchased, or conquered, at the sole expense of the settlers or their ancestors, without the aid of the mother country. If this should happen to increase her strength, by their growing numbers, ready to join in her wars; her commerce, by their growing demand for her manufactures; or her naval power, by greater employment for her ships and seamen, they may probably suppose some merit in this, and that it entitles them to some favor; you are therefore to forget it all, or resent it, as if they had done you injury. If they happen to be zealous Whigs, friends of liberty, nurtured in revolution principles, remember all that to their prejudice, and contrive to punish it; for such principles, after a revolution is

thoroughly established, are of no more use; they are even odious and abominable.

"4. However peaceably your colonies have submitted to your government, shown their affection to your interests, and patiently borne their grievances; you are to suppose them always inclined to revolt, and treat them accordingly. Quarter troops among them, who by their insolence may provoke the rising of mobs, and by their bullets and bayonets suppress them. By this means, like the husband who uses his wife ill from suspicion, you may in time convert your suspicions into realities.

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5. Remote provinces must have governors and judges, to represent the royal person, and execute every where the delegated parts of his office and authority. You ministers know that much of the strength of government depends on the opinion of the people, and much of that opinion on the choice of rulers placed immediately over them. If you send them wise and good men for governors, who study the interest of the colonists, and advance their prosperity, they will think their king wise and good, and that he wishes the welfare of his subjects. If you send them learned and upright men for judges, they will think him a lover of justice. This may attach your provinces more to his government. You are therefore to be careful whom you recommend to those offices. If you can find prodigals who have ruined their fortunes, broken gamesters, or stockjobbers, these may do well as governors; for they will probably be rapacious, and provoke the people