which holy work was very naturally, in the end, productive of partial apostacy, and almost general insubordination among the Students. So much for the College, now for the Committee. WALTER Cox. May 30. (To be continued.) DEFENCE OF DOCTOR HAMILL. When this Reverend Patron of Doctor Brennan, advised the Catholics of his parish to hang the Petition to Parliament up in the Fish-market, we believe it was only a figurative expression, as the Vicar General had no idea it would be taken as a literal instruction to execute it among the Poissardes of Pill-lane. We have it from Father Byrne, scandal caterer for Doctor Brennan's handsome publication, an interpretation exactly corresponding with our idea and opinion, that hang ing it up in the Fish-market was to hang it among the Faithful under the direction of the successors of St. Peter, who, as all the world acknow ledge, with the exception of our Preaching Masters of Britain, was a Fisherman, and the Head of the Chris. tian Church. We hope that this ac knowledgement of our submission to the decree of Doctor Hamill, and to the ingenious penetration of little Father Byrne, will prevent any schism in the Church, and save the united labours of Counsellor Clinch and the Vicar General from undertaking the long chapter the two Gentlemen were composing in their Book of Controversy, for the purpose of confuting Watty Cox, the Author and Gunsmith. DOCTOR BRENNAN'S LEGITI MACY. This great questionis one day to come before a Court of Law, as the Doctor has declared over his porter among the wrestling sailors at Watkins's, on George's quay, that he will make it a condition in his last will and testament, Whenever the son of Brennan undertakes to recover the estate, we wish he would previously take the pret tion of reading this article in our Magazine; because we are in possession of facts, that if known to the young representative of the house of Idough, would determine his conduct, make him rather give up the 97. 13s. a year, than make the amours of his grandmother a public topic of legal investigation. We have the names of the last six husbands in our hands, and were we not tender of the feelings of the drunken bookbinder, who acted as her last and surviving husband, wę would give a complete history of the matrimonial and amorous incidents of the deceased Lady. FRENCH FRENCH BIOGRAPHY. (Continued from June.) In had acquired a habit of repeating, be published, in 1796, a General History of the Crimes committed during the Revolution, &c; a shapeless ill-digested compilation, in which we perceive throughout the taste, the style, and the discernment of a sans-culotte, or rather of a maniac. What Frenchman would have imagined in 1792, that the author of the Journal of the Revolutions of Paris would one day enumerate the crimes and victims of the Jacobins ? It is not that we pretend to blame those who stain with infamy a Carrier, a Le bon, a Collet, a Robespierre, &c.; but was it for Prudhomme to set himself up against them? Before we mention any of the contradictions which swarm in his work, we shall speak of the method which he has adopted in it: it is necessary to establish the degree of authen ticity which the facts related by him possess. As soon as he had conceived the project of publishing this compilation, he endeavoured to procure some correspondents in the departments, who could send him a picture of the miseries that their country had endured under the reign of terror: all these documents he put together without arranging or connecting them, and without correcting the different styles, (hence arise the most disgusting dissimilarity and inconsistency in the tone and the principles) and lastly, he from time to time added reflections, which make the declamatory part of it, and which, tho' the work of one man, present still more inconsistencies than all the rest. As to these inconsistencies, we will say, that from the most extravagant Jacobinism, to the least disguised Royalism, all opinions are brought forward, adopted, and defended, not only in the course of the work, but even in the parts which are by himself alone. We will not speak of his hatred and his abuse of Marie Antoinette, of Louis XVI. and of all the most respected princes or sovereigns: his principles on this subject are known and marked every where; we will not mention his L. Prudhomme, a Printer, Jour. nalist, and writer, is particularly known by his Revolutions of Paris, and by his General History of the Crimes of the French Revolution. At the beginning of the troubles he professed principles so extravagant, that his journal always surpassed in ferocity, and especially in absurdity, that of Camille Desmoulins, and other violent Jacobins, His rage was particularly directed against Maria Antoinette, and all the Sovereigns of Europe. December, 1791, he announced, by bill in capital letters, a work entitled: Crimes of the Queens of France, down to the present Queen, inclusive. This kind of proclamation not having been at first prohibited, after some time he had another stuck up on the very door of the National Assembly, in red let ters, and beginning thus: Prudhomme to all the nations of the earth: I give notice that I shall constantly publish the crimes of all the potentates of Europe, Popes, Emperors, Kings of Spain, of Naples, &c. The first want of a people which desires to be free, is to know the crimes of its kings. Not. withstanding the vigilance of despots, I will disperse thousands of copies in their states, with my devices The Liberty of the Press or Death." He afterwards pressed on the trial of Louis XVI. to the utmost of his ability, called on the government to celebrate the festival of pikes every year on the 14th of July, and to order that this weapon should be suspended at all windows on that day. It would be too tedious to repeat here all the absurdities produced by his inflamed brain; but the reign of Robespierre appeared to calm him a little, and the sight of the blood, of which he so earnestly recommended the effusion, terrified his soul, which was certainly less cruel than he had himself believed. Not being able, however, to part with the word crime, which he invectives French Biography invectives against the successive chiefs of the Montagnards; every line of his history contains fresh ones: we shall content ourselves with saying, that this enemy to crowned heads, in his article of the crimes of the Notables (for there are crimes every where) imputes it to them as a crime, that they did not procure the king resources," in order to prevent all the misfortunes which desolated the land of France;" that is to say, if we do not mistake, the revolution, and consequently the "Their establishment of the republic. base negligence," says he, " ruined the court, and left the field open to every species of crime. Posterity owes to them its contempt and its indignation: curses upon them!" and as if he had feared that some mistake should be made concerning the regret with which the fall of the monarchy at intervals inspires him, he takes care to exclaim in his third volume, page 89, that "the magistrates of the people ought to haye written in golden letters on their mantles, this maxim of the Italian Malvezzi:" I hold that there is as much liberty under a good prince, as there is tyranny in a bad republic.' We shall conclude with a remark (which may extend to many wiser, and more judicious people, than Prudhomme) which is, that though he adopted more moderate and just ideas concerning the last years of the revolution, the royalists do not pardon him not having renounced the enmities and prejudices which he adopted during the earlier troubles; and reproach him for having endeavoured to justify the crimes and assassinations of 1789 and 1790, (among others, the massacres of the unfortunate Huez, mayor of Troyes, of M. M. Montesson, Cureau, &c) by bringing up again the accusations directed against them, which are now considered as absurd lies told at that Itime to mislead the people. The great pains which he takes to justify his inti 1macy with Camille, Danton, &c. and to persuade the world that he never ap. proved of massacres and proscriptions, -000 MEMOIRS OF GARAT. D. J. Garat, the younger, a man of letters, a member of the institute, and professor of history in the Lyceum of Paris. The tiers-état of Latour deputed him to the states-general, and in the tribune of the constituent assemthough he seldom made his appearance bly, he made known his opinions by the accounts of the meetings which he published in the Journal de Paris. He opposed the grant to the king of an absolute veto, and in 1791 undertook the defence of the minister Fleurieu, who was denounced by his clerk Bonjour. On the 3d of October, 1792, he was appointed minister of justice, and commissioned to inform Louis XVI. of his condemnation. Bertrand de Moleville accused him of having removed some papers which exculpated the king, and though he loudly protested against the charge, his antago nist persists in it in the history of the revolution. On the 18th of March, 1793, Garat became minister of the interior, and on the 27th of May made a speech to the assembly to dissipate all alarm with regard to the riots and the armed force; he justified Pache and Hébert, and protested the deputies were in no danger: "I am persuaded," he added, "that the members of the committee of twelve, who were opposed to the Jacobins, have heated their imaginations, they think that they ought to display great courage, that they ought to die to save the republic. I believe them to be virtuous, men, but virtue itself has its errors." A decree ordered this speech to be printed, and on the 31st of May the insurrection of the commune broke out. At the meet ing ing of the Jacobin society on the 16th the most allowable vengeance, and were of of June, 1799,) he set himself up against the dilapidators of the public money and their partizans, and seemed to allude to Rewbell, who sat by his side; Rewbell boldly repelled his attacks, and demanded that they should be made openly. He afterwards supported the resolution concerning hostages, and defended Sieyes, who was attacked in the Journal of Freemen. He showed himself a partizan of the revolution of the 18th of Brumaire, year 8, (9th of November, 1799,) and it was he who, in the legislative committee of ancients, of which he was a member, made the speech which pre. ceded the acceptation of the consular constitution; he was appointed a member of the conservative senate, and af. terwards made commander of the legion of honour. In September, 1800, he pronounced, in the place des Viotoires, an eulogium on Generals Kléber and Desaix. Garat, possessed of talents, found the secret of getting himself spoken of as a writer void of sense; endued with domestic virtues, he was supposed a wicked being. The writers of the different parties have bitterly re, proached him with his political varia tions. In October, 1806, he was a member of the committee intrusted to make a report on the union of Genoa; and in January, 1807, he pronounced in the senate one of the most eloquent speeches that have been made on the victories of the emperor Napoleon. In 1778, Garát published an eulogium on Michel de PHSpital; in 1779, one on Suger; in 1781, one on the duke de Montansier; and in 1784, one on Fontenelle; the three last gained the prize at the French academy. In 1790, 1791, and 1792, he brought out several works on the revolution; he laboured, for several years, at the literary part of the Mercury of France; le edited the debates of the constituent assembly in the Journal of France, and assisted in the Key to the Cabinet of Sovereigns in 1796 and 1797. For JULY, 1812, VOL. V. MEMOIRS OF HANRIOT. -000 That F. Hanriot, a servant, then clerk of the barriers before the revolution, and afterwards chief commander of the Parisian national guard Constantly devoted to Robespierre, he served him with fury on all occasions, and began to signalize himself particularly on the 2d of September, 1792, by himself directing the assassins in the Carmelite prisons. Some time after he contributed to getting funeral honours granted to the Pole, Lazowski, principal destroyer of the prisoners of Orleans. He had himself such a taste for massacres, that he endeavoured to have the 94 Nantese slaughtered, whom Carrier had sent to Paris; but being unable to succeed, though he had purposely spread a report that they were Charette's staff, he cried out, Carrier is a fool; I would have had them all shot." These sentiments had gained him some preponderance among the Jacobins, and new services soon raised him to the head of the national guard. On the 31st of May, 1793, he appeared at the convention with a deputation from the armed force, in order to prepare the public mind for the troubles which were about to overtake the Girondins. He was then appointed provisional commander in chief, and, strong in the support of the Montagne, whose instructions he had received, and assisted by Marat, he tyrannized over the convention in the most indecent and atrocious manner. After having fired the alarm guns, and surrounded the hall of meeting with troops, he made this answer to the president, who had advanced at the head of all the members to learn the cause of such measures: "The people have not risen to listen to speeches; they must have victims ;" and, an instant after, he cried out, when ordered to leave a free passage to the representa tives of the nation: "No, not one shall go out; soldiers, to your arms! cannoniers, to your pieces!" Then, 2 Q drawing |