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stores; and the question immediately arises as to whether these transports should not be able to defend themselves. If this question is answered in the affirmative, we at once come to the big man-ofwar again; and the really absurd but strictly logical contention, from the torpedo advocates' point of view, of M. Gabriel Charmes, that a maritime power should depend entirely on small torpedo - boats, falls to the ground.

What, then, should be the proper function of a navy such as England requires? The answer cannot be better given than in the words of the distinguished French admiral, Jurien de la Gravière. He asks, À quoi peut servir une marine ?" And he answers, "A occuper les grandes voies maritimes."

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This is our first necessity, and large ships and large cruisers are required for this duty.

It is evident, too, that we must meet any enemy on even terms, and if rams and torpedo-boats are important factors in modern naval warfare, we must not be behindhand in placing our fleet, to use an expressive Americanism, "beyond a peradventure," by being armed at all points, and we must accordingly possess similar vessels. But naval power consists in the ability to carry out other duties than that of fighting an enemy in the open sea.

It is too easily assumed that in speaking of a navy we have simply to be prepared to fight a rival, who will meet us more or less on even terms; but peace service, and warfare against weaker or less civilised nations, have also to be thought of by the admiralty.

In the ironclads built ten to twenty years ago, it was thought necessary to sacrifice everything to complete armour protection: messdecks and cabins were not allowed scuttles, skylights were tabooed,

ventilation was conducted by artificial means, the axiom being that the fighting value of the ship was in no case to be interfered with. But we have changed all this; it was found that the officers and men had to live, the fight might never take place, and in case it did it was more important to keep the living mechanism, on which, after all, everything depended, in a healthy condition, than to prevent a chance shot doing some small damage; so in our more recent ships, skylights, ports, and scuttles, giving the necessary air and light, have been allowed, with the result of corresponding comfort and efficiency under ordinary circumstances. It appears to me that this illustration shows the way in which we should consider our navy generally. It should be suitable for ordinary everyday use, and it cannot be constructed solely to meet any special theory of war.

Let us take the bombardment of Alexandria or the French operations in China, in both of which cases naval force came into play, but in neither of which would rams or torpedo-boats have been of much use. I am aware that a great deal was endeavoured to be made of the use of torpedoes by the French in China; but a careful consideration of the operations shows that they played a very subordinate part, if indeed all that was done by the torpedoes might not have been at least as well done without them. On the other hand, both after the bombardment of Alexandria and after the destruction of the forts at the mouth of the river Min, after the big guns had played their part, numerous landing-parties were wanted; and it was

one of the weaknesses of the modern ironclad or turretship, adapted solely for action at sea, that she could not furnish enough men to meet these requirements.

I hold, then, that, while modern arms and inventions must not be ignored, we must enlarge our views so as to embrace all the duties required of a great maritime Power, unless we are to sacrifice much of what has generally been held to be included in the term naval supremacy. It may be necessary here to add, that among modern weapons I have not forgotten the Nordenfelt submarine boat, but that I include it as a development of the torpedo, very formidable under certain circumstances, but essentially limited in its action.

I have given above general indications of the views on which I hold that our naval shipbuilding policy should proceed, which are, I believe, those of our best naval authorities at the Admiralty and elsewhere, though probably, from our national objection to formulas

and dogmatism, they have certainly not been clearly stated; and I now propose to show the shipbuilding policy actually being carried out by the leading maritime Powers.

The following table is from a return called "Navies of England and other Countries," moved for by Lord Charles Beresford, and presented to the House of Commons on 17th May last. The return gives names and much detailed information; but as there is no summary, I am responsible for classifying the results in a tabulated form. It will be seen that I have adopted the term "battle-ships" as preferable to that of ironclads, as the latter term would strictly include lightly armoured gunboats, while the large Italian vessels are not properly ironclad at all, being unprotected by armour at the waterline.

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stores; and the question immediately arises as to whether these transports should not be able to defend themselves. If this question is answered in the affirmative, we at once come to the big man-ofwar again; and the really absurd but strictly logical contention, from the torpedo advocates' point of view, of M. Gabriel Charmes, that a maritime power should depend entirely on small torpedo - boats, falls to the ground.

What, then, should be the proper function of a navy such as England requires? The answer cannot be better given than in the words of the distinguished French admiral, Jurien de la Gravière. He asks, À quoi peut servir une marine ?" And he answers, "A occuper les grandes voies maritimes."

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This is our first necessity, and large ships and large cruisers are required for this duty.

It is evident, too, that we must meet any enemy on even terms, and if rams and torpedo-boats are important factors in modern naval warfare, we must not be behindhand in placing our fleet, to use an expressive Americanism, "beyond a peradventure," by being armed at all points, and we must accordingly possess similar vessels. But naval power consists in the ability to carry out other duties than that of fighting an enemy in the open sea.

It is too easily assumed that in speaking of a navy we have simply to be prepared to fight a rival, who will meet us more or less on even terms; but peace service, and warfare against weaker or less civilised nations, have also to be thought of by the admiralty.

In the ironclads built ten to twenty years ago, it was thought necessary to sacrifice everything to complete armour protection: messdecks and cabins were not allowed scuttles, skylights were tabooed,

ventilation was conducted by artificial means, the axiom being that the fighting value of the ship was in no case to be interfered with. But we have changed all this; it was found that the officers and men had to live, the fight might never take place, and in case it did it was more important to keep the living mechanism, on which, after all, everything depended, in a healthy condition, than to prevent a chance shot doing some small damage; so in our more recent ships, skylights, ports, and scuttles, giving the necessary air and light, have been allowed, with the result of corresponding comfort and efficiency under ordinary circumstances. It appears to me that this illustration shows the way in which we should consider our navy generally. It should be suitable for ordinary everyday use, and it cannot be constructed solely to meet any special theory of war.

Let us take the bombardment of Alexandria or the French operations in China, in both of which cases naval force came into play, but in neither of which would rams or torpedo-boats have been of much use. I am aware that a great deal was endeavoured to be made of the use of torpedoes by the French in China; but a careful consideration of the operations shows that they played a very subordinate part, if indeed all that was done by the torpedoes might not have been at least as well done without them. On the other hand, both after the bombardment of Alexandria and after the destruction of the forts at the mouth of the river Min, after the big guns had played their part, numerous landing-parties were wanted; and it was one of the weaknesses of the modern ironclad or turretship, adapted solely for action at sea, that she could not furnish enough men to meet these requirements.

I hold, then, that, while modern arms and inventions must not be ignored, we must enlarge our views so as to embrace all the duties required of a great maritime Power, unless we are to sacrifice much of what has generally been held to be included in the term naval supremacy. It may be necessary here to add, that among modern weapons I have not forgotten the Nordenfelt submarine boat, but that I include it as a development of the torpedo, very formidable under certain circumstances, but essentially limited in its action.

I have given above general indications of the views on which I hold that our naval shipbuilding policy should proceed, which are, I believe, those of our best naval authorities at the Admiralty and elsewhere, though probably, from our national objection to formulas

and dogmatism, they have certainly not been clearly stated; and I now propose to show the shipbuilding policy actually being carried out by the leading maritime Powers.

The following table is from a return called "Navies of England and other Countries," moved for by Lord Charles Beresford, and presented to the House of Commons on 17th May last. The return gives names and much detailed information; but as there is no summary, I am responsible for classifying the results in a tabulated form. It will be seen that I have adopted the term "battle-ships" as preferable to that of ironclads, as the latter term would strictly include lightly armoured gunboats, while the large Italian vessels are not properly ironclad at all, being unprotected by armour at the waterline.

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