in his own name, so that the were strong, being then deemed the Queen should not be a party safest. A few days later, however, thereto; "the money was to be in he wrote to Cecil that Lethington French crowns, "for if it be in was certainly coming, for whose any English coin, it will be the secret conveyance to Court, by the sooner suspected from whom they coast-road, he would provide what have it." Despite of every pre- was necessary. Things must caution the perfidy got wind, and rest awhile until you see what he Cecil had to warn his "brothers bringeth. The Lords wait for his in Christ" to be more circumspect, answer. On the 21st the envoy -"of all others," he adds con- was still en route. "Lethington temptuously," of all others, these and Randolph will be here as soon Scots be the openest men that as wind and weather will serve. be." But the harder the lying, Nothing is known till Lethington the more unctuous the language. come, whom we look for hourly. "And so I took my leave, praying We shall send Captain Randall Almighty God to make you the back in the boat that brings him." instrument of His true honour, On the 22d there is "continual against Anti-Christ, the perpetual expectation of Lethington's arenemy of His dear Son, our Sav- rival;" and on the 23d "Lethiour Christ." No writer of legiti- ington is still hourly looked for; mate comedy could have ventured he is supposed to be detained upon so broad or farcial a con- by the Regent's death, of which trast; and yet, as I have said the brute continueth. The wind before, the men were perfectly hath served so well, he should sincere. It is difficult to define otherwise have been here." Then with precision the moral and men- in a letter from Randolph the detal characteristics of the duplicity lay was explained,—they had been which deceives itself; but what- detained by Arran's sickness, who ever term we may select to de- for four days was "sore troubled" signate their double-dealing, we (whether it had been bodily or cannot justly, I think, call it mental "trouble" does not appear; hypocricy. the taint of insanity may have begun to show itself), and on the 24th they landed at Holy Island. "On Thursday last, Lethington and Randolph arrived at Holy Island, and when the night came we received them secretly into the castle here." Maitland, who frankly admitted to Sadler that without an English army the contest was hopeless, left for London before daybreak of the 25th. a It became obvious, however, before the winter was far advanced, that the show of neutrality could not be preserved much longer, and that a decisive step one way or other would require to be taken. So Lethington's movements were closely scanned, and his coming eagerly awaited. There were number of false alarms. Randolph, writing on 9th November from Stirling, informed Sadler that Maitland had received his despatch, and would be at Berwick within eight days at furthest. But a week passed and he did not arrive. Sadler began to fancy that he had gone by the West Marches, the Carlisle route, where the Maxwells The negotiations proceeded rapidly; but Maitland's instructions were not sufficiently definite, and Melville went back to Scotland to ascertain the resolution of the Lords on certain points, taking with him a letter from Maitland to Sadler, the seal of which—a serpent entwined round a cross placed upon things.' Lethington remained in London till the middle of February, in constant communication with Cecil, whose confidence he entirely gained. He had engaged to meet the English and Scottish Commissioners at Berwick, and he brought with him a cordial letter from Elizabeth's Secretary. "Good Mr Sadler, you have known this bearer, the Laird of Lethington, but I here have had great profit of him, finding him to be both wise, honest, and constant. I pray you let him receive your friendly entertainment, with some addition for my sake. God send us a good end of your ministerial labours. Time serveth all turns, and loss of time loseth all good Lethington was the first 66 "Yesternight," Norfolk wrote on the morning of the 24th, "arrived here the Laird of Lethington, and at the same instant came also the Master of Maxwell from Carlisle; but the rest of the Lords which come by sea are not yet arrived, by reason that the winds are contrary." The letter, however, was not sealed when the Scottish deputies appeared. "One of the Queen's Majesty's ships named the Falcon is arrived here in the haven-mouth, with the Lord James and the rest of the Lords of Scotland, for whom we have presently sent out boats to bring them to land." The Convention of Berwick was duly signed and sealed, among the rest by William Maytlande of Lethingtoun, younger." Maitland immediately returned to London, where he remained for some weeks. "Because they require certain promises under the great seal, they have determined to send the Lord of Lydington to be a humble suitor to her Grace. Surely we find them grave and discreet men, unwilling to promise more than they can perform ;" and ready to acknowledge that without English aid they were unable to resist the French. About that there could now be no doubt. It abundantly appears from the report of the conferences that in attempting to subvert the established government and the established religion, the Congregation had undertaken a task beyond its strength. Even against a considerable English army, the handful of French made a gallant stand. "The Scots can scale no walls; but on this occasion the taunt 1 Lethington had written to Sadler from London on 11th January, thanking him for his services. "Ye have enterit my haill nation in obligation to you; and I hope it shall prove at length ye have also weill deservit of your awin country. I look for the Queen's final answer and my despatch to-morrow; quilk obtenen I will make speed towards you. Cecil is writing. I am in good hope." might have been directed with equal justice against their allies. The ill-success was attributed to the incapacity of Lord Grey, who, it was insinuated, might lead a troop of horse, but was not fit for so great a command. Norfolk, who was very sore at the miscarriage, and who had expressed himself strongly against the general's mistaken tactics in the conduct of the siege, was forced to offer a doubtful apology to his colleague: "Grey is nowise to blame except it be for that he has not his wits, and memory faileth him." The tenacity with which the French clung to their rotten walls was quite unlooked for. Elizabeth had expected a holiday promenade, an easy "walk over; and it seemed now that the enterprise might prove costly in more senses than one. Conscientious were reinforced by parsimonious scruples. She began to repent. She had listened to evil counsels. Cecil's advice had led her astray. Cecil, for his part, was not anxious to prolong a war which was hardly justified by the usages of nations, and which, if prolonged, might involve larger issues than he cared to raise. If the French would leave the Scots to settle their own affairs, the English army wonld be withdrawn. The extreme men, the fanatical visionaries who had dreams of a new Republic, a Civitas Dei, a theocracy in Church and State, inveighed bitterly against the terms of the treaty; but they were forced to give way. Cecil himself came down to Edinburgh, where, with Maitland's assistance, he succeeded in bringing the various factions to an accord. 66 No title to the English succession, which was clearly outside their commission, and which was subsequently the occasion of endless controversy; the impracticable preachers were the difficulty. official records of the claims they urged has been preserved; but it is plain that Cecil's patience was severely tried by their unreasonableness. At one time he was almost tempted to leave them to fight it out among themselves,— "we have to deal with so crooked and subtle a nation," he exclaimed, impatiently, unconsciously repeating the words which Sadler had used twenty years ago. Some of the Lords, indeed, "to the hazard of their lives and land," would listen to reason; but the preachers and the fanatical leaders of the Congregation were stubborn as mules. "I find the Lord of Lethington disposed to work the minds of the nobility to anything that your Majesty shall determine. He is of most credit here for his wit," (or policy, as we would say), "and almost sustaineth the whole burden of government." "We find a great commodity in the Lord James and the Lord Lethington, who be well content to follow our opinions in everything. Surely the Lord James is a gentleman of great worthiness." Two days later the prospect had not brightened. "Our travail, and especially mine, is more with the Lords of Scotland than with the French. I find some so deeply persuaded in the matter of religion as nothing can persuade them that may appear to hinder it. My Lord of Lethington, whose capacity and credit is worth six others, helpeth much in this, or else surely I see folly would hazard the whole." 1 The French Commissioners were reasonable enough; they even agreed to an article affecting Mary's Maitland's moderation was all 1 Cecil, 19th, 23d and 25th June 1560. the more welcome, because he had at first been inclined to hold that a premature and inconclusive peace would be injurious. He had made Lady Cecil's acquaintance when in London, and a close friendship had sprung up between them. In more than one letter to her the distrust of communications" is forcibly accentuated. But he had come to see that any violent disturbance of the existing polity would be of doubtful advantage. The Dow ager's discernment had not been at fault when she said that though the Congregation at first did rise for matters of religion, they afterwards shot at another mark; and Balnaves candidly admitted to Sadler that the mark they shot at was, as he phrased it, "an alteration of the state and authority." Cecil, who in the privacy of his study was ready to argue that the Crown of England had a just and unfeigned title to the superiority of Scotland, and that the French Queen, as Queen of Scots, owed homage to the Queen of England, was much too discreet to proclaim such a doctrine from the housetops. The line that he took in public was to suggest that if Mary declined to accept the reforms which were proposed by the nobility, the government should be intrusted to the next heirs; and that if she should refuse to recognise the Hamiltons, then-but I must use his own words" It is apparent that Almighty God is pleased to transfer from her the rule of the kingdom for the weal of it"-a rapid and daring feat of logic. But if it came to be a conflict between the rival houses there could be little doubt Maitland must have felt that the great majority of the people the temporary irritation. against France having subsidedwould prefer a Stuart to a Hamilton, the historic family to the family of an upstart. If Elizabeth, indeed, could have been persuaded to accept Arran, an alliance which placed a Scottish noble upon the English throne might have proved an acceptable solution of the puzzle. But Maitland knew that Arran was a violent halfwitted lad, in whom the hereditary incapacity had developed into specific mental disease; and he knew, moreover, that the shrewd Elizabeth rated him at his true value. Such a marriage would certainly never take place; and even as a marriage de convenance was hardly perhaps to be desired. Then there was the Prior of St AndrewsMary's brother-who was supposed to aspire to the Crown, and whose name at least had been included in the list of possible claimants. Of the Lord James we shall hear much hereafter; here it is enough to say that Margaret Erskine (who was carried off by James the Fifth on the very morning of her marriage with Douglas of Lochlevenso the story ran) was alleged by some to be the King's lawful wife. Maitland might possibly have preferred the Lord James; but, upon the whole, he appears to have arrived at the conclusion that a provisional government in Mary's name was in the meantime the more prudent alternative, and that, till public opinion was more matured, and the public mind better informed, any fundamental alteration of the "state and authority" should be delayed. Maitland was not an idealist; for him the visionary republic had no attractions; but in the present mood of the populace it was extremely probable that some grotesque scheme of government might be adopted. It was better, therefore, to wait; and another consideration may have had its weight. The Queen of France could never be Queen of Scots; she might keep the name, but the power would remain with the Scottish Executive Council: on the other hand, Francis was feeble and ailing; and by-and-by Mary might be able-a free woman, no longer entangled by foreign ties-to return to her native land. The faction which had been eager for political as well as religious change had, however, little reason to complain. The French Commissioners, indeed, would not meddle with "religion,"-dropping it like a hot potato, which was sure to burn whoever touched it; but they consented to the meeting of a Parliament in which the needful reforms might be deliberately considered. Of this Parliament the advanced party gained, as might indeed have been expected, complete control. The legality of its composition was open to exception (the whole of the lesser gentry of Fife and the Lothians attached to the Congregation were present in a compact body-an entire innovation undoubtedly upon constitutional practice), and the Conservative party refrained from any act of participation which could afterwards be construed as an admission that it had been lawfully summoned or was lawfully constituted. The Earl of Athol, Lord Somerville and Lord Borthwick declared that they would believe as their fathers had believed before them; but with no formal protest, and with hardly a reclaiming voice, the ancient Church was abolished. The Parliament was opened by Maitland, who took the place which Huntly, conveniently detained at home by "an infirmity in his leg," should have occupied. The address of the "harangue-maker," as the Scots called the Speaker of their Parliament, was modest and restrained. "Silence being com manded, the Lord of Lidington began his oration. He excused his insufficiency to occupy that place. He made a brief discourse of things past, and of what necessity men were forced to for the defence of their country, what remedy and support it pleased God to send them in the time of their necessity, how much they were bound heartily to acknowledge it and to requite it. He took away the persuasion that it was in many men's minds who held back, and who wrongly supposed that other things were meant than those that were attempted. He advised the Estates to lay all local affections aside, and to lend themselves wholly to the true service of God and of their country. He urged them to remember in what state Scotland had been of long time for lack of government and exercise of justice. He exhorted them to mutual amity and hearty friendship, and to live with one another as members of one body. He prayed God long to maintain this peace and amity between sovereign princes, and especially betwixt the realms of England and Scotland in the fear of God; and so ended." The purpose of the speech was obvious : it was a studiously moderate appeal to the moderate men in either camp; an appeal to the men of order as against the men of anarchy; an appeal to the men of common-sense as against the men of dreams and visions. Whether the proceedings of the Parliament were in accord with Maitland's real sentiments, we are not expressly informed. He was well aware that a radical reconstruction of the ecclesiastical polity would be demanded, and so far as existing institutions were indefensible, he was anxious that they should be radically reformed. Beyond this he was not prepared to go. A |